Victorious security forces at Silavattura

Victorious security forces at Silavattura, an area captured from Tamil Tiger guerrillas recently .

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Sri Lanka navy sinks suspected Tiger gun running vessels

 Sri Lanka’s navy sank at least three suspected Tamil Tiger gun running vessels off the island’s southeastern sea board, navy officials said Tuesday.

Naval craft intercepted the three craft off Sri Lanka’s coast late Monday and carried out the attack, said a navy official who declined to be named.

He said each vessel was about 70 metres (91 yards) long.

There were no immediate reports of casualties. Tiger rebels were not immediately available for comment.

Sri Lanka’s navy has carried out similar attacks against suspected Tamil Tiger gun running craft in recent months.

In March, the navy sank two cargo vessels believed to be smuggling weapons and explosives for Tamil Tiger rebels, according to the defence ministry.

It staged a similar attack on February 28 and sank an identical craft off the island’s southern coast, according to defence authorities here.

There have been stepped-up clashes between suspected Tamil Tiger ships and the Sri Lankan navy in recent months amid heavy fighting in the island’s northern and eastern regions.

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LTTE in utter disarray in Wanni

Liberation of south of Mannar, key to victory in Wanni:

The capture of the entire south of Mannar, including Silavathura, Arippu, Kondachchi and Mullikulam has left the LTTE in a more desperate situation despite some critics try to play down the victory of the Security Forces, on the basis of the casualty figures in the battle.

Success of a battle cannot be measured on the basis of a casualty figures. If anyone tries to measure the successes of a battle on the number of deaths and casualty rate that may be a mentality of an organisation fighting to eliminate an ethnic group or a community from the Sri Lankan soil.

The task before the Sri Lankan Security Forces is not to eliminate the Tamil community from the Sri Lankan soil but to eliminate terrorism that has been deeply rooted in the North East, with the objective of liberating the Tamil community from the clutches of terrorism.

In the process of achieving this task the number of deaths and the square kilometres captured during military operations are immaterial to them.

What is most relevant and important for them is to neutralize the capabilities of the terror outfit to pose a threat to the Sri Lankan state and the general public.

That was the main task before the Sri Lankan Government in its fight to eliminate terrorism from the Sri Lankan soils.

That was what Sri Lankan Security Forces and the Police were doing for more than one year commencing July last year.

The operations conducted by the Security Forces and the Police in the East was not merely to take control over the land but to remove and neutralise the LTTE capabilities to engage in terror activities harassing civilian population, without allowing them to enjoy their democratic rights.

In that process the Security Forces had to take control over the land in the East entirely, to establish the civil administration to maintain law and order.

Misconceptions

f someone thinks the Security Forces should only concentrate on Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu, the two strongholds from which the LTTE controlling its entire network, he must be sadly mistaken. The reason is obvious, because the LTTE has deeply rooted in other parts of the country too.

Even in Colombo, the Tigers had big say, but they no longer have that say in Colombo now due to the measures taken by the defence authorities to break their cells and their networks amidst huge criticism levelled against them of violating the Human Rights of Tamils.

If not for these measures, today, Colombo would have been one of the most dangerous places to live in. But the threat is still there due to the unpredictable nature of the LTTE.

Therefore, vigilance of Security Forces, Police and also of the general public has become a vital factor at present, if Security Forces are heading towards capturing the remainder of the Wanni from the clutches of the LTTE.

The Security Forces, therefore, had engaged in a systematic operation to neutralize LTTE threats step by step and reach the strongholds securing other parts of the country from the Tiger grip and neutralising their military capabilities.

Liberation of south of Mannar

Therefore, the liberation of South of Mannar was a giant step that would definitely put the Security Forces on a strong position against the LTTE in future battles, as this achievement contribute to minimise the threat posed by the LTTE to Colombo.

The ground troops were able to complete the mission in the south of Mannar within three days as they faced no resistance from the Tiger outfit. Though some critics describe this as a cake walk, the Security Forces were able to have that walk due to the military strategy adopted to liberate the area.

The LTTE had no other option but to flee from the area amidst surprise advancing of the troops into the territory from three directions cutting off all their movements.

The Tiger outfit also had enough man power in the area to face the Security Forces. They also did not have any chance to get reinforcement from the north of Mannar due to rough seas.

Even from the South, especially from the Wilpattu National Park area, the LTTE could not get any support as Commando and Special Forces troops had already cut off their movements within the National Park by screening the area few weeks back.

Therefore, the Tiger cadres faced a hapless position by the time of the Security Forces advanced towards Silavathura and Arippu, and had fled the area mingling with the fishing boats.

Commanding structure

Army Commander Lt. General Sarath Fonseka along with Wanni Security Forces Commander Major General Jagath Jayasuriya commanded the troops engaged in the Silavathura operation.

Troops from the 9 Gemunu Watch, 8 Sinha Regiment and 10 Gajaba Regiment took part in the operation under command of Special Forces Brigade Commander, Colonel Nirmal Dharmaratna.

The leading role was played by the Special Forces by moving into the area, days ahead of the launch of the operation.

Surprise was maintained at its maximum as each unit was not aware of other troops involved in the operation with commands coming from the top, the Army Commander. Logistic support and the accommodation of civilians were done by the Area Headquarters in Mannar.

The Sri Lanka Air Force assisted in airlifting the troops of the 8 Sinha Regiment to the east of Silavathura from Wanni Security Forces Headquarters.

Establishment of Navy camps

It was not merely a capture of land. The Sri Lanka Navy has come forward to establish new camps in Mullikulam and Silavathura to guarantee a secure life for the civilians living in the area.

Measures will speedily taken to resettle about 3,000 civilians who had to flee from this area with the launch of this military operation, with troops withdrawing from the area with the completion of their search and clear operations.

Therefore, the establishment of two Navy camps will definitely help the civilians to engage in fishing, without fears about LTTE harassment.

Apart from this the Navy will also be able to monitor the Sea Tiger movement in the western seas well in advance to thwart any attempt to launch any attack on Colombo harbour or any Naval patrol craft.

The fate of the LTTE

With the fall of south of Mannar the first territory to lose in Wanni district after the humiliating defeat in the East, the LTTE leadership has been shaken.

As we highlighted in this column previously the LTTE leadership is under huge pressure as their image is shattered in the eyes of the Tamil community.

With the recent developments, the only option available for the LTTE to blow up their image is to launch a major assault on the Security Forces defences in the Wanni or in the Jaffna peninsula.

Such offensive in the Jaffna peninsula has become an extremely difficult task for the LTTE as Army has stationed a number of reserve Divisions in the Jaffna peninsula to be deployed in an event of a major assault on the Muhamalai, Killali and Nagerkovil defences.

Therefore, the LTTE even does not think of an offensive operation as they did in August 11, 2006 capturing the first line of the Muhamalai FDL in a surprise attack on the Security Forces.

Though not prepared to face Security Forces who fought back and went ahead of the LTTE defences in the Jaffna peninsula.

Therefore, the only option available with the LTTE is to defend their territory in the Wanni deploying their full force to prevent Security Forces advance into the Wanni.

Security Forces’ strategy to secure Wanni

With the experience the Security Forces had in Jaffna peninsula, defence authorities decided to strengthen the security along the Forward Defence Line in Vavuniya to prevent Tiger infiltration into Government controlled areas especially in the West of Omanthai and Vavuniya.

Abductions, child recruitment and the attacks on the Security Forces personnel in the west of Vavuniya along the Vavuniya – Mannar MSR were also contributing factor for the Security Forces Headquarters Wanni to form 57 Division of the Sri Lanka Army in Kalmadu with the appointment of Brigadier Jagath Dias as the General officer Commanding.

One of the major tasks before the 57 Division was to ease the threat on the Jaffna peninsula by drawing the attention of the LTTE towards Wanni and to secure the civilian population in the West of Vavuniya from Tiger harassments by neutralising the Tiger military capabilities in the area.

Apart from the 57 Division the Sri Lanka Army also has formed Task Force -1 to increase the security in Vavuniya.

Heavy casualty rate

With the formation of the 57 Division the LTTE too strengthened their positions in the west of Vavuniya and made several attempts to infiltrate Security Forcers defences after infiltrating to Government controlled areas. From January this year there had been a number of confrontations with the LTTE on a daily basis causing heavy damages to the LTTE.

As Security Forces too move ahead of the FDLs to neutralise Tiger threats, they have been able to kill large number of Tiger cadres tried to infiltrate Security Forces FDLs. The number of LTTE cadres killed in these confrontations now exceeds 1300.

The Security Forces too have suffered heavy casualties in these confrontation since there is stiff resistance from the LTTE side. On the side of the Security Forces 110 soldiers have sacrificed their lives while over 700 sustained injuries.

However over 50 per cent soldiers sustained injuries during these confrontations have returned to their duties recovering from the injuries. Many battles have erupted in Thampanai and Periyathampanai area in the west of Vavuniya and east of Madhu due to strong LTTE presence in the area, as they are well aware of the fact that loss of Thampanai and Periyathampanai will lead to further defeats in Madhu.

But this is not an unexpected casualty rate as the theatre is entirely different from the eastern battlefront. Even in earlier battles the Security Forces and also the LTTE experienced heavy casualty rate in their attempt to take control over the territory as they have to confront each other in an open land unlike in the East.

But Security Forces are adopting new tactics to minimize the casualty rate among the troops engaged in these operations deviating from earlier strategies of moving along the main routes.

LTTE strategies

So the LTTE too has now taken strategic measures moving one of their 122 mm artillery gun close to Madhu Church with multiple objectives in their minds. One thing is their gun is safe as they are very well aware that Security Forces will not direct fire at the gun as it is located within Madhu Church area as the area is already declared no war zone.

The gun crew are also safe due to the place where it has been located.

The LTTE also can take the advantage if Security Forces retaliate the artillery fire from this direction as such situation can be used by the LTTE to launch campaign against the Forces using politicians, religious dignitaries and the civilians .

To stop the advancement of troops LTTE had laid thick layers of AP mines. Therefore, troops have to clear heavy mine fields on their silent advancement towards the strongholds in Wanni.

Therefore, troops are now operating in this territory keeping the terrorist tactics in their mind as any hasty movement would lead them to a disadvantageous situation expected by the LTTE.

Shortage of manpower

Though the Tiger leadership was in desperate need to secure their defences in the West of Vavuniya they are running short of cadres with many of their cadres killed at the hand of the Security Forces.

Bhanu, Lakshman, Velavan, Appan, Vannakilai Master, Ilangesh, Kailveli and Vidusha commanding the Tiger cadres operating in the area are facing severe difficulties these days as they do not get enough recruits to man these defences.

The situation had compelled the LTTE deploy their political cadres and medical cadres to guard the defences.

Owing to this situation a highly indiscipline background has been created within the LTTE as they are not in a position to take disciplinary action against those who challenge the leadership openly in fear that they would flee from the organisation.

This has led to a situation in which LTTE not showing any interest towards casualty evacuation and to collect weapons of the killed Tiger cadres.

High morale of Security Forces

The victories secured by the Security Forces on daily basis the morale of the Security Forces is now in higher level engage in the mission to protect the civilian population in Wanni from Tiger threats.

They are now receiving tremendous support from the villagers in Iranairuppukulam, Kalmadu, Kidacholai, Ichchankulam, Sundarapura, Manipuram, Thandikulam, Karuveppankulam, Koombuhar, Nelunkulam, Marukkarampalai and Poovarasakulam adjoining the 57 Division.

The proper command structure and welfare measures available to them have created favourable conditions for them to fight against LTTE terrorism.

Security Forces, through the observation of Tiger movements and through the interception of Tiger communication believes that the Tiger cadres are exhausted from due to the prevailing situation and their morale is low at this point. Therefore, the fall of remaining parts in the Wanni has become inevitable due to the forwards march of the Security Forces.

(http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2007/09/09/fea02.asp)

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The Deadly Mahasohon Brigade

September 4, 2007: In Sri Lanka, one of the more successful units of the army are the “Deep Penetration Units,” that go into rebel territory to collect information, and destroy rebel morale and combat power. These are Long Range Recon Patrol (LRRPs). They belong to the Sri Lankan Special Force Regiment, which was established in 1986, as one of many military reforms aimed at dealing with a rebellion by the Tamil minority (18 percent of the population). The Tamils were better organized, and developed a deadly terrorist organization, as well as a strong force of irregulars. The war has been going on since the 1970s, and over 70,000 have died so far.

 

A LRRP unit, of a hundred or so men, was organized in the 1990s. The units existence and the names of those in it, were kept secret. That’s because the LTTE (the Tamil rebel organization) was expert at hunting down and assassinating anyone they wanted (including heads of state and senior military commanders.) Initial operations of the LRRPs were very successful, but LTTE spies found out about the LRRP unit, and who was in it. About 80 members of the LRRP unit were subsequently killed by the LTTE, and the LRRP unit was disbanded. But in the last few years, the LRRP unit, known then, and now, as the “Mahasohon Brigade” has been reformed and is back in action.

 

Sri Lanka has several Special Forces type units. There are three Army Commando Regiments, three Army Special Forces Regiments (SF), the Navy Special Boat Squadron (SBS), the Air Force Special Force and the Police Special Task Force. All of these are small organizations, full of carefully selected men (and a few women), who train hard, and are usually found heavily involved whenever there is a successful operation against the LTTE. There are no more than 5,000 Special Forces troops, plus some support personnel. The “Mahasohon Brigade” is part of the 3rd Special Forces Regiment. In the last five years, India and the United States has sent many of their own Special Forces troops to Sri Lanka to help train their Sri Lankan counterparts.

(http://www.strategypage.com/htmw/htsf/articles/20070904.aspx)

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EPDP plays Jekyll and Hyde

The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) was closing in on two top LTTE operatives, but, to its dismay, it found that the two had slipped out of the country.
The Anti- Human Smuggling Unit of the CID was informed by the airport unit that the duo had slipped out. This was discovered when the departure list was scanned by the CID a few days later.
Shocking news was to follow.

Former EPDP National List MP and political spokesman of the party S. Thavarasa is reportedly learnt to have assisted the two LTTE operatives in their great escape, according to sleuths. Twelve other wanted men have escaped through the airport and the CID is probing these cases as well.

Investigators obtained a warrant for the arrest of Minister Douglas Devananda’s Secretary, Thavarasa. They informed the Minister of it, and later, to their astonishment, they discovered that Thavarasa, too, had fled the country, on medical grounds, to a European destination.

Minister Devananda maintains that the one who has slipped out of the country, is not his Secretary but some other Thavarasa, while his Secretary had gone for medical attention.
The Nation made an attempt to speak to S. Thavarasa on his land line, only to be told that he could be contacted on his mobile. No mention was made of the fact that he had gone overseas for medical attention. When The Nation called his mobile, the recording indicated that the phone had been disconnected.

EPDP sobs to EU
Hardly three months back, Thavarasa led a special EPDP delegation to Brussels, where he had discussions with European Union (EU) representatives, including former Prime Minister of Netharalands, Wim Kok, Socialist MEP and Chairman of the Constitutional Committee of the European Parliament from Germany, Jo Leinen, and Sandra Hartner from Austria.
“The EPDP delegation had a historical meeting with the EU representatives responsible for Asian Affairs at the EU meeting centre in Brussels on June 14, at 10:00 a.m.,” according to the EPDP website.

The EPDP delegation, that also included Ashok Chandrakumar, coordinators M. Mithran, Martin Jeya and Bernd Finke, explained to the EU representatives the current situation in the country and the difficulties faced by Tamils in Sri Lanka. The delegation also portrayed that opposition parties crippled whatever political solution that was put forward by successive governments.

Having painted a bleak future vis-à-vis the minorities, as far as a solution is concerned, the EPDP delegation expressed concern about Human Rights (HR) violations, abductions and killings within the country.
The delegation appealed to the EU to help end the war and find a political solution through peace negotiations. The EU representatives said that they would take into consideration all that was said at the meeting and do whatever they could, when they visit Sri Lanka in September.

While Thavarasa was raising HR violations in Brussels, Minister Devananda (who was also invited to Brussels) accompanied President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Geneva to defend the government’s HR record.
In fact, Minister Devanandan got into a heated argument with one Kirubakaran from an NGO, who questioned him on the EPDP’s HR violations, including abductions.

Subsequently, the EPDP delegation, including Thavarasa and members of the Tamil Diaspora, met President Mahinda Rajapaksa in Geneva on June 15. EPDP representatives from Switzerland, Germany, Britain and Canada discussed with the President, problems faced by Tamils and HR violations in Sri Lanka. They requested the President to take constructive measures to control the situation.

They also appealed to the President to find an amicable solution to the ethnic problem, by giving Tamils their rights and political freedom without further delay.
The President responded that he does not like war, and added that it was thrust upon his government by the Tigers by closing the Mavil Aru anicut.

No war, only battles
However, the war continues unabated, even after the entire East was brought under government control and the government plans to hold elections later this year.
Has the proposed elections in the East seen a new allegiance of forces? The ‘Karuna’ Group has ordered the EPDP and northern LTTE cadres out of the East. The LTTE is gunning for ‘Karuna’ cadres and the EPDP, which first supported Karuna, is now at loggerheads with him. The military is also busy trying to disarm ‘Karuna’ cadres, who would then become sitting ducks for the LTTE’s pistol gang, in a manner similar to the elimination of disarmed EPDP cadres in terms of the Cease-Fire Agreement.
Three months after the EPDP delegation made representations to the EU, the EU is expected to vote against Sri Lanka, if a vote were to be taken at the 18-day 6th sessions of the HR Council that opens tomorrow (10).

The Sri Lankan Government is confident it has the numbers in the 47-member Council, to defeat the resolution that has been hanging over its head for sometime. A statement on the deteriorating security situation, HR violations, including abductions and killings, was to be made from the chair. Sri Lanka has, so far, successfully lobbied against it, while some NGOs have been pushing hard for it.

The Government hopes a vote would not be taken, as it does not want a confrontation with members of the EU.
The Sri Lankan Government has accepted the reality that it depends on the EU for aid and would hence, prefer the diplomatic approach, than confrontation.

Human Rights and Disaster Management Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe, Attorney General C.R. De Silva and Peace Secretariat Director General, Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha returned to the country on Friday, while Deputy Solicitors General Shavindra Fernando and Yasantha Kodgoda were expected to leave for Geneva, for the sessions, yesterday.

The administration’s change of gear, after a gung ho approach, was seen in Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama’s response in Paris on Wednesday (5), to a strong protest by ACF President Denis Metzger and ACF Executive Director Francois Danel about Prof. Wijesinha’s comments on the group.

When clarification was sought on the matter, Minister Bogollogama said it was not within the ambit of the Peace Secretariat Secretary General to make any comments on the matter. He advised the ACF to disregard the comments and to go by the position taken by the Government of Sri Lanka, through the Foreign Ministry.

It was only last week that the Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Foreign Minister Bogollogama made contradictory statements on the war. Rajapaksa says the military is determined to liberate the remainder of the uncleared areas in the Wanni, while Bogollogama says that there are no plans for major offensive in the north.

The Silavatturai operation dealt with in the facing page, proved that Rajapaksa’s statement reflected the government’s thinking more accurately. In fact, a very senior Army Officer was to announce on Tuesday that the Army Commander was no Alladin and wresting control of the Wanni was likely to take a couple of years.

(http://www.nation.lk/2007/09/09/militarym.htm)

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Govt. suing for peace while pursuing war

As far as the international community, including the Indian establishment, is concerned, it is clear that the Government is pursuing a military solution.

They feel that the current administration is not sincere in its pursuit for peace and is actually pursuing a war agenda. But, the Government claims that only by weakening the LTTE that it could force it to the negotiating table.
It is in this backdrop that the Indian Government wants to engage the Sri Lankan Government, to prevent the situation from further deteriorating.

Reporting to big brother
Hence, the high level meeting in Delhi between the two sides on Monday and Tuesday. Those who participated included: President’s Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga, Defence Secretary Gothabhaya Rajapaksa and Senior Advisor to the President, Basil Rajapaksa on the Sri Lankan side, with Defence Secretary Shri Vijay Singh, External Affairs Secretary Shivshankar Menon and National Security Advisor M.K. Narayanan for the Indians.
Following this meeting, the Policy Research and Information Unit (PRIU) of the Presidential Secretariat, issued a statement saying:

“An Indo–Lanka committee of high officials on defence related matters, was established, following the visit of a high level delegation of officials to Delhi this week.” The statement quoting unnamed diplomatic sources said that the two Secretaries of Defence and External Affairs of India and her National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister, were on this joint Defence Committee (DC).

The Indian External Affairs Ministry on Friday denied knowledge of the setting up of an India-Sri Lanka DC comprising senior officials. Foreign Office spokesman Navtej Sarna had reportedly said that the interaction was part of a regular exchange of visits between officials of both countries.

A top Sri Lankan official on the visit, denied the setting up of such a DC, while echoing the Indian stance. He, in fact, said that a decision was taken by officials on both sides, at the outset of the meeting, not to divulge any details to the media.
Successive Sri Lankan governments have been pursuing the establishment of Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) with India, ever since the October 2003 joint statement by the then Indian Premier A.B. Vajpayee and then Sri Lanka Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, mooting a DCA between the two countries.

“The two Prime Ministers discussed the ongoing cooperation in training and supply of equipment to the Sri Lankan defence forces and agreed that the two sides will commence discussions with a view to concluding a DCA, at the earliest,” states the Joint Statement in October 2003.

The matter was, however, not pursued to its logical conclusion by the then BJP government and the subsequent Congress-led coalition government, given the sensitivity in Tamilnadu.
In the backdrop of the government currently pursuing a military approach, it was highly unlikely that the Indian Government, which gave only non lethal arms such as radars to Sri Lanka, would agree to the setting up of an India-Sri Lanka DC. The Sri Lankan delegation did query about spare parts and other material earlier pledged by India and discussed the matter.

“A wide range of issues of mutual concern figured in the course of the interaction. Matters related to the ongoing defence cooperation between the two countries were part of the discussion but no new committee was constituted,” the Hindu reported, quoting an unnamed Indian High Commission official.

India is yet to respond to a suggestion for joint patrolling of the Palk Straits to check the activities of the LTTE. But, on its part, the Indian establishment has done much to prevent the Tigers from bringing shiploads of arms and ammunition via the Indian Ocean. This was in terms of passing on intelligence information and stepped up surveillance at that end.

The current military situation in Sri Lanka, development of the Eastern Province, and humanitarian operations were among the issues discussed, while a discussion on combating terrorism and devolving power, as a means of finding a solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka, were also discussed.

The Indian side did reiterate New Delhi’s commitment to the island’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as in the past, but expressed the hope that a solution would be urgently found to the just grievances of Sri Lankan Tamils, through extensive devolution of power.

In fact, the Sri Lankan side briefed the Indians that there was agreement by majority of the parties that the province be made the unit of devolution. It would be recalled that the President’s Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga, who carried the SLFP proposals for the resolution of the ethnic conflict, to Delhi, a few months back, was told in no uncertain terms, at that time, that the proposals were impractical and regressive. The district, as the unit of devolution, was rejected by the Tamils, as far back as the early eighties.

APRC reaches consensus
That the Government had expedited the work of the All Party Representative Conference (APRC) to find a lasting solution to the conflict, was shared by the Sri Lankan side.
So far 85% of the Discussion Paper, based on the experts’ group findings, has been agreed upon by 14 recognised political parties. The Government hopes to finalise the matter in the next fortnight. President Mahinda Rajapaksa was likely to announce a political package, when he addresses the United Nations General Assembly Sessions on September 24. But, this announcement would only be after dealing with global terrorism and LTTE’s contribution to it and the government’s efforts to curb the menace
.
The two main proposals rejected from the Experts panel in the APRC findings, contained in the Majority Report this week are, the Constitutional Council and Concurrent List. The 75-member Senate has been accepted by the parties, which, however, have insisted that the Chief Ministers of the Provincial Councils (PC) be members of this upper house. Three members are to represent the unrepresented groups like the Burghers, Malays and others.

The contentious issue of language was also resolved with Sinhala and Tamil being made official languages and the language of administration being English or one of the official languages according to the needs.
The issues of land, water and policing have also been agreed upon. Gazetted officers from ASPs above are to be part of the all island police service, like the All India Police Service, while others are to be recruited from local regions.

Weaknesses in the public service have been noted and to rectify same in keeping with the true spirit of devolution of power, the Government Agent (GA) is to come under the Chief Secretary of the province. The Divisional Secretary (DS) will come under the GA and the Gramaka Sevaka under the DS.

In terms of devolution of power, structurally, what has been agreed upon is far more progressive than even what was proposed by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga. President Rajapksa, however, has insisted that in nomenclature it should be a unitary Constitution, as it cannot go against the President’s election manifesto, the Mahinda Chinthana.

The basic difference between a unitary and federal Constitution is that the centre can take back what it gives, in the former, and cannot do so, in the latter. The fear Tamil parties have is that a future administration could do just that as in the case of President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s administration deliberately undermining the North and East PC, until it was completely dissolved and placed under Governor’s rule.

On the North-East merger, India has maintained that that was a basis for any political solution, as almost all Tamil parties in Sri Lanka have demanded a merged North and East. On the merger, the Sri Lankan Government has maintained it could be discussed with the LTTE. Even though the North-East province was de-merged after the Supreme Court ruling, it could be re-merged.
Will the international community be able to prevail on the chief opposition UNP to accept the findings of the APRC and finalise matters in the All Party Conference, is left to be seen. The UNP, before it pulled out of the APRC, had originally submitted that it stood by the Oslo Declaration, that a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka would be the answer.

Some have remarked that the difference between the previous Ranil Wickremesinghe government and the incumbent Rajapaksa administration is that the former put all its eggs in one peace basket and when that basket crashed it had nothing in terms of peace or war to boast of. This government is working towards establishing a political package while pursuing military action.

Two prong strategy
From the beginning, while it was entreating the LTTE to come for peace talks- Geneva and all that- this government was preparing for war.
President Chandrika Kumaratunga was more akin to Wicremesinghe; she first pursued peace and when that failed, she pushed as hard as she could for war, while keeping the doors open for peace.

But, her war efforts, eventually, proved futile and militarily, she was routed, and all she bequeathed to Wickremesinghe was a negative economic growth, which the latter turned around by the sheer absence of war and with development.
However, his administration unable to pass on the peace dividends to the masses, was dismissed arbitrarily. The voters, at least those in the South, turned his government out. The allegations of giving into the Tigers too much, also worked towards his detriment.

This government, in contrast, is pursuing both a political package and for a military weakening of the LTTE.
Some contend that even if the Rajapaksa government were to crash tomorrow, it has achieved militarily by taking control of the entire east. But, the question is, at what cost to the economy?

Can the economy sustain the war, if the price of oil goes up further, as expected, should anarchy rule Iraq, when US troops leave? This could spread to Iran, and the Middle East could be the flashpoint of further war.

Tigers play it safe
The LTTE, which has retreated to fight another day, as before, is not in a hurry to strike back and would do so only when the government is utterly weak. In the recent Silavatturai operation, there were no casualties on the LTTE side. Some analysts say the Tigers have retreated to the Wilpattu jungles, while others say they escaped into the Wanni, where they are well entrenched and waiting for the forces.

The LTTE, this week, dared the military to come to the Wanni, instead of taking on a place like Silavatturai. Will the army charge in like an enraged bull? Will it rush in where angels fear to tread?
In the alternative, is the LTTE’s challenge, part of the Psy-operations it used before and during the military operations in the east? As we said before, in the Wanni, the use of artillery would greatly determine part of the success. By extension, this applies to the northern battles contemplated by the LTTE.

The Government too prefers the low intensity warfare to high intensity war to minimize its losses and enable the military’s deep penetration teams to slowly penetrate and decimate the Tigers. The military also continues to weaken the LTTE by the air force taking on and destroying Tiger assets.

But the LTTE, too, is in no hurry, as it waits till the Government is weakened economically and politically, to strike as hard as it can. It is likely to do so after the LTTE leader’s Heroes’ Day message on November 27, where he was likely to entreat the international community to support the cause of separation.

Survey on war and peace
A survey done by Marga Institute’s Dr. Godfrey Gunatilleke and Myrtle Perera, in association with the National Peace Council, has come up with interesting findings.
Of the 1,800 people interviewed, from 18 administrative districts outside the North and East, with the exception of Amparai, the deliberative poll sought to find whether the people were better informed and had a better understanding of the issues.
According to the poll, which largely reflects the thinking of Sinhalese and Muslims, 84% of the respondents thought that the government was forced to act militarily, to defeat the LTTE, given that the LTTE would not give up their ultimate aim of an independent State. This endorses the government’s current strategy of recapturing territory controlled by the LTTE.

But, the reality, that the LTTE would continue as a guerilla force and be a threat to peace and security, even after suffering a comprehensive military defeat, was endorsed by 89% of the respondents.
But, most respondents did not want the war to continue, with 99% of them agreeing that the prevailing state of war should be ended as early as possible.

The efficacy of a military solution was denied by 72% of the respondents, who concluded that the best guarantee of lasting peace is a political solution acceptable to all communities but, involving the LTTE as well.
This also implies that the people expect the government to put forward a political package to resolve the ethnic conflict. And just 10%, rejected any form of devolution.

The incumbent government appears to have retained the favour of the masses, despite the escalating cost of living. It has, however, lost the backing of the international community and would try to undo the damage at the General Assembly of the world body. In the end, will it succeed?

(http://www.nation.lk/2007/09/09/militarym.htm)

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People Trapped by SLA in Musali faces Starvation

Last five days have been so fearful for the people of Muollikkulam, a remote village in Sri Lankan Armed forces (SLA) occupied Musali division in Mannaar, Northwest of Sri Lanka. It is cut off from the rest of the world by the Sri Lankan government and its armed forces and the SOS messages warn impending catastrophe if no help is offered before Friday noon as children are stricken with diarrhea and fever while there are no medical supplies or baby food according to the sources in Musali.

The world Non-Governmental Organization (NGOs) such as UNICEF, ICRC, MF, World Vision, need to look into the serious humanitarian situation arising in the area and help all these nearly 500 people trapped in the area and bring them out of the near starvation. Musali cut off from the rest of the country means, that food, medicine, and other relief supplies cannot reach to the people in the area and causing immense sufferings and further hardships to them says a local aid worker.

 

The Sri Lankan governments and its armed forces and its leaders are neither heeding to the cries of these unfortunate people nor are they doing anything themselves to Improve this dreadful situation of people. Due to the siege by the Sri Lanka Navy, no fishing boat is able to leave the dock.

All the attempts to send supplies or transportation facilities to the villagers to evacuate them to Mannaar, Murungkan or Vangkaalai have been barred by the SLA in Chilavaththurai despite assurance to Mannaar Bishop Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph and the civil authorities by the SLA commands in Tha’l’laadi and Uyilangkulam.

The options, dropping dry supplies using helicopters, using boats to transport the civilians to Vangkaalai with the facilitation of ICRC and to send in supplies from Vannaaththivil in Puththalam district via Ilavangkulam to the village, have been denied by the military.

The people in the area feeling even more helpless now and they are feeling as though they are soon going to fall off the edge of the world. The world should act fast to resolve the situation in Musali area. The Sri Lankan government has no right to starve its citizens says another local aid worker in the area.

The only way left to the starving civilians is to walk for 20 km to SLA occupied Chilaavaththurai, across the Deep Penetration Unit (DPU) Claymore attack site at Paasiththenral where 13 civilians were killed.

In the ever worsening violence and human rights abuses in Sri Lanka, over 5,400 people killed including 44 aid workers and 10 journalists, close to 500,000 people internally displaced (IDP) while thousands of people were abducted and hundreds are missing within past twenty one months while more than 80,000 people lost their lives in more than three decades old war in Sri Lanka says an observer.

 

 

(http://www.tamileelamnews.com/news/publish/tns_8583.shtml)

 

Mannar IDP’s

 

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Two top LTTE cadres slip through immigration net

Two top LTTE cadres, wanted by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID), have slipped through the net of Immigration authorities and fled to Singapore. They have made their get-away with the assistance of one Thavarajah.
The duo had migrated abroad a few weeks ago. Following this development, S. Thavarajah, a former MP and the second most senior member of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) has left for England. Reports reveal that he is unlikely to return to the country.
Thavarajah, who was representing the EDPD at the All Party Representative Committee, had informed the party in July that he will not be able to attend future meetings owing to personal reasons.
Meanwhile, it is learnt that just days before his sudden departure to UK, the CID had recorded a statement from Thavarajah. The CID is alleged to have obtained a warrant to arrest Thavarajah. But he had let the country before being taken into custody with the help of a top politician, said to be a government minister.
Meanwhile, when The Nation contacted Minister Devananda to verify these developments, the Minister accepted that Thavarajah was out of the country. However, Devananda claimed that Thavarajah had left for England purely for medical reasons. He refuted that his party stalwart was wanted by the CID for assisting two most wanted terrorists to flee the country.
“No, no, Thavarajah from the EPDP was not facing arrest. He is now in London. He has undergoing heart surgery there is taking rest,” the Minister claimed.
“It was not the EPDP Thavarajah who was wanted, it was one David Thavarajah who was wanted by the CID in connection with helping terrorists,” Devananda said.
Asked when the former MP was scheduled to arrive in the country, Devananda said that he had told him to remain in London. He added that if the need arose he would summon Thavarajah back to Sri Lanka.
“It is difficult for people to work with me, they have to work very hard, I told him to wait there and whenever I want him, I will call him,” the Minister added.

(http://www.nation.lk/2007/09/09/news10.htm)

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MANNAR BATTLE Flight, not fight!

Contrary to expectations, the Tigers did not put up a fight – not even token resistance. Despite the elaborate precautions taken, the security forces had a virtual cakewalk. There was no fighting and there were no military casualties. In one swift move, the map was altered in favour of the government

In what seemed virtually a cakewalk, the Sri Lankan security forces notched up one more victory in the protracted campaign of regaining territory controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The two-pronged ground based drive that began on Saturday, September 1 ended after 56 hours on Monday, September 3, during which almost all of the littoral and substantial areas of hinterland in the southern region of Mannar District were brought under the writ of the Sri Lankan Government again.
Nearly 6000 people, Tamils and Muslims, were displaced from the Musali AGA Division in North-Western Mannar District as the military juggernaut rolled on over the weekend. The Musali Division comprises an area of 474.2 square kilometres spread out in 20 Grama Sevaka divisions.
No resistance
There was not even token resistance from the LTTE. Adopting evasive tactics, the Tiger guerillas fled from the region at the first sign of the advancing army.
While military and government spokespersons claimed to have liberated the population in the area from the LTTE, the reality on ground was that of people fleeing their homes in panic and seeking refuge in other parts of the district. A total of 5,864 persons were registered residents of Musali Division in 2006.
The previous months have seen quite a lot of fighting between the government forces and LTTE cadres on the borders of Mannar and Vavuniya Districts. Both sides have control of areas in both districts. The security forces have been attempting to penetrate further into LTTE territory on several occasions, but have been unsuccessful.
The past fighting in Mannar was primarily aimed at gaining control of areas around the revered Our Lady of the Rosary Catholic Church at Marudhamadhu, known as Madhu. The government tried to do so on different fronts; the LTTE offered resistance at various points and prevented it.
While the weekend saw military manoeuvres shifting to an area that had been comparatively free of war for quite a while, the sudden escalation of military activity saw the Musali region caught up in turmoil.
The sparsely populated Musali AGA Division lies to the south of the Medawachchiya-Murunkan-Mannar road. Until 1990, when the LTTE expelled Muslims from the north, it was the only AGA division in the district with a Muslim majority.
The February 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) saw some Muslims returning and in 2006, 1,644 Muslims were registered residents.
Control
The Mannar South region had, at one time, been under the control of government forces. But the LTTE as far back as 1990 overran the army camp at Kondaichi. Later the Tigers attacked the naval complex at Silavathurai unsuccessfully. Subsequently, the government withdrew from Silavathurai and other areas.
The LTTE was in de facto control of the coastal stretch between Arippu and Poonkulam on the outskirts of the Wilpattu Sanctuary for many years. The CFA strengthened this control further.
Interestingly, the areas of Mannar South were not demarcated specifically as being under LTTE control at the time of the CFA. Since the armed forces were in control of the Mannar-Murunkan Road, the areas south of it became de facto LTTE territory. Both sides refrained from establishing clear Forward Defence Lines (FDLs).
An important place of strategic importance in this region was Silavathurai, famous at one time for its pearl fisheries where people dived deep to haul pearl oysters. The LTTE’s first Regional Commander for Mannar was Sylvester, alias Rajesh. He was from Silavathurai.
Subsequently, a large number of Silavathurai youth – who like those of Ambalangoda were good swimmers – joined the Sea Tigers. The LTTE also set up Sea Tiger bases in Silavathurai, Arippu and Kallaru.
An undeclared war broke out in 2006 and soon fighting occurred sporadically in Mannar District too. However, the Mannar South region did not witness serious strife.
The LTTE did not set up any permanent positions. The Tigers also pulled out many cadres and reduced their strength below 100 in the region.
Hostilities
It is against this backdrop of recent history that last week’s events need to be viewed.
The last week of August saw two phases of hostilities. On Wednesday, August 29, the LTTE launched an artillery barrage on the security force installations between Thallady and Mathottam. Thallady is the biggest army camp in the district and controls access to the island on which places like Mannar Town and Thalaimannar Harbour are located.
The LTTE shelling commenced at 4:45 p.m. and lasted for about 20 minutes. The reasons for this sudden barrage are not known.
The security forces retaliated with artillery firing from the Thallady, South Bar and Vangalai camps. The shelling was mainly into the LTTE controlled areas of Manthai West AGA Division. The firing began at about 5:30 p.m. and went on intermittently for more than five hours. It continued sporadically on the following day too.
On Friday, August 31, the security forces broke out from FDLs at Vilathikulam near Iranai Iluppaikulam. The LTTE resisted strongly. The limited offensive was thwarted. The body of a dead soldier was recovered by the LTTE, which handed it over to the ICRC.
Saturday, September 1 saw Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka visiting the military headquarters at Vavuniya and conferring with his subordinates. Even as this was going on, war clouds were gathering across the Mannar South horizon.
Two UAV aircraft hovered in the skies over Silavathurai and Arippu at about 8-8:15 a.m. in the morning on September 1. Upon seeing the ‘spy’ planes, the people, fearing a sudden aerial strike, began fleeing into jungle areas in the hinterland for safety.
But at about 8:45 a.m., massive shelling began. For about 25 minutes, the artillery batteries at Thallady, Murunkan and Vankalai began firing towards the Musali region. While the shelling went on, soldiers from the 21st Division broke out of Uyilankulam and Murunkan.
Soldiers marched westwards to Arippu, accompanied by tanks, armoured cars and personnel carriers. In a coordinated exercise, naval gunboats shelled the coast from the sea. A few aircraft were seen, but there was no information about aerial bombardment.
Surprise move
Even as this west-bound move was on, soldiers – consisting mainly of Special Forces – started out in a surprise move from the Cadju Farm Army Camp north of the Puttalam-Mannar District border. These forces proceeded from the south along the axis of the Parana Mannarama Para (old Mannar road) coastal route.
Thus, security forces pushed forward in a two-pronged drive from the east to west and south to north. By Saturday evening, troops on the Western front had reached Arippu. On the southern front, security personnel had reached the coastal village of Mullikulam, taking most residents by surprise.
Having taken Arippu, the security forces continued their march southwards along the coast. On Sunday morning, September 2, they reached strategic Silavathurai. By evening, this military column was at Kallaru. On Monday morning, they reached Kondaichi in the interior.
Meanwhile, the north-bound troops had reached Kokkupadaiyan and were staying put. Both columns linked up on Monday evening and halted, thus ending the first 56-hour phase. The security forces are now consolidating territory gained and strengthening defences.
A vast chunk of territory – both littoral and hinterland – in Musali Division is now under government control again. These include towns and villages like Poovarasankandal, Arippu, Agathimurippu, Silavathurai, Navithanthalvu, Kalodai, Kayankuli, Kallaru, Kokkumadhu, Pallivasalveli, Pandaraveli, Puthuveli, Musali, Saveriyarpuram, Kokkupadaiyan, Pasithendral, Karadikkuli, Maruthondrikuli and Mullikulam.
Cakewalk
Contrary to expectations, the Tigers did not put up a fight – not even token resistance. Despite the elaborate precautions taken, the security forces had a virtual cakewalk. There was no fighting and there were no military casualties. In one swift move, the map was altered in favour of the government.
The army also raided one big camp and two small camps abandoned by the Tigers. They found, among many other things, three boats fitted with guns and one explosive-laden boat. They also claimed to have found 425 anti-personnel mines, ammunition, claymore devices, and outboard motors and about 25 boats in these camps.
It is estimated that there were around 75-80 Tigers in the region when the offensive commenced. Offering resistance was futile as the LTTE did not have artillery. There were also no strong bunkers. The Tigers could not have held on to positions without a constant supply of men and materials.
This was impossible as the armed forces would have prevented any sizeable reinforcements crossing the Mannar-Murunkan Road. The Sri Lanka Navy would have blockaded the sea. The Sri Lanka Air Force would have bombed any fixed position. Moreover, the Sri Lanka Army could have moved upwards from the Puttalam border areas.
Therefore, it was a case of flight and not fight. The LTTE fled mainly along the ground by moving into jungle areas or by mingling with the displaced people. A few may have gone by boat too.
The insecure people were panic-stricken at seeing their self-imposed sole representatives taking to their heels even before the people themselves. The Tigers have, for a long time, conned the people into believing that they would stand and fight to protect the people. Now the Tiger bluff has been called.
The plight of the people was pathetic. Initially they fled into the jungles, fearing aerial strafing and bombardment. But when the shelling started, the Tamil people of coastal villages sought refuge in Muslim villages like Pichaniyankulam, Pallivasalveli, Pandaraveli, Puthuveli, Musali, Koolankulam, Potkulam, etc., thinking they would be safe.
Plight of the people
But the situation worsened when shells began falling there too. The people began scattering and fleeing everywhere. Tamils and Muslims were all running for safety, leaving all their possessions behind.
With the security forces taking over Arippu on Saturday, more than 500 families gathered at St. Mary’s Church. From there the people began a night trek to GOSL controlled areas of Nanattan AGA division.
The problem was that the Aruvi Aaru River had to be crossed. The 122-mile-long river begins in the north and ends up in the east as Malwatu Oya.
Fibre-glass boats were brought from the Arippu West sea coast to the Arippu East river bank. It was a long night as boatloads of people were taken across Aruvi Aaru to Achankulam in the Nanattan Division. Some youth swam across.
Meanwhile, many Muslim families were taken to government areas along the road to Murunkan by security forces. A few Tamil families were also taken this way. Some Muslim families, fearing they were being used as ‘human shields,’ avoided this and moved out on their own.
Several Catholic priests and nuns stayed on at their churches while the offensive was on. They were escorted by the armed forces to Murunkan, who told the clergy that no one should remain in the area until the area was cleared and consolidated by them.
Many displaced persons were housed temporarily at the Nanattan Maha Vidyalayam School and the Don Bosco Vocational Training Centre. Others found refuge in smaller schools, places of worship and private homes of relatives and friends.
According to an NGO estimate, 5,402 people from 1,361 families are now Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) as a result of the Mannar South military offensive. These people are staying in schools, places of worship, public halls, temporary sheds and houses of relatives and friends.
The Tamils are staying in places like Nanattan, Murunkan, Iruviddan, Puthirakandal, Vankalai, Naruvilikulam, Umanakari, Puthirakandal, Pontheevukandal, Valkaipattankandal, etc. The Muslims are in Muslim areas like Rasoolputhuveli, Vepankulam and Karisal.
Resettlement
Several NGOs like the SLRC, ZOA, Sarvodaya, LEADS, Seva Lanka, etc., are providing relief and assistance. The Mannar Traders Association is also rendering assistance. Mannar District MP and Rehabilitation and Resettlement Minister, Rishad Badiudeen has ordered for Rs. 2,000 per family to be paid immediately.
Mannar GA A. Nicholaspillai, Additional GA S. Mohananathan, Nanattan AGA N. Thirugnanasambandan and Musali AGA S. Chandra Aiyah are overseeing and coordinating relief services, along with other officials. The Catholic clergy is also helping. Badiudeen has promised the IDPs adequate relief and speedy resettlement.
The security forces have set up special posts with the police near most places where IDPs are staying. Each IDP is being quizzed individually. It appears that the security forces suspect that some Tigers are masquerading as IDPs. Once the security clearance is over, the IDPs will be resettled in stages in their own villages.
This will also depend on how long it takes for the security forces to set up permanent camps, mini-camps and sentry posts in the newly acquired territory. Some areas are likely to be made High Security Zones (HSZs), where the people won’t be allowed back.
Another disturbing factor is the recent statement by Ven. Ellawela Medhananda Thera of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) that Silavathurai is an archaeologically important area and has a Buddhist history. There may be a replay of what’s happening in the east, where the present day Tamil and Muslim habitat is being reclaimed as ‘Sinhala-Buddhist.’
Meanwhile, the camps in Thallady and South Bar commenced intensive shelling on September 3 into the Manthai West areas controlled by the LTTE. Many buildings, including the Adampan Hospital and Manthai West AGA Office, were damaged.
In one incident, a shell fell on a farm in Iruvil near the Nedunakandal-Vannankulam junction and 34-year-old Yogan Sellathurai, a native of Panankaddikoddu, was killed. S. Loganathan, a 37-year-old native of Parappakkadanthan, was injured and admitted to the Pallamadu Rural Hospital.
After this incident, many people in Mathai West areas began fleeing further north into areas like Iluppaikulam. Vellankulam, Pappamottai, Periyamadhu, Kunchukulam, Aathiyadi and Mulankavil.
Civilian casualties
Most of them are housed in schools and places of worship. It is unofficially estimated that about 3,500-4,000 are displaced in these LTTE-controlled areas due to shelling.
Despite the intensive shelling and large-scale displacement, so far there are only a few reports of civilian casualties from the Musali region. One reported incident was that of 35-year-old Soosaipillai Kulendran Amalathas, a shopkeeper in Silavathurai.
Amalathas, a native of Sooriyakattaikadu, had taken his family to safety and then returned to his shop on September 2 to pick up some things, where he was killed – allegedly by the security forces.
Another tragic incident was the explosion on the morning of September 2 at Pasithendral between Mullikulam and Kokkupadaiyan. A van in which 15 people were travelling was hit by a claymore mine and 12 people including four women and four children were killed. Seven were killed on the spot. One died at Silavathurai Hospital. Four succumbed at Murunkan Hospital. Two of the injured are at Mannar Hospital and one is at Murunkan.
The LTTE accused the army’s Deep Penetration Unit of having triggered off the mine. The army charged the LTTE of being responsible. It appears that the explosion occurred just as civilians had begun fleeing on Saturday.
Some reports in the Tamil media say that two ambulances on their way to transport the victims were stopped from proceeding further by the army at a place called Chirukondal. As a result, the victims had to be ferried across the Aruvi Aaru River, resulting in valuable time being lost.
The victims were from three different families and range from a grandmother to her granddaughter. The names and ages are confusing as there are discrepancies of names and ages in the different reports available. The van driver was a 32-year-old man named Selvarajah.
Later the ICRC at Uyilankulam went into LTTE areas to take charge of the victims but had to take shelter in Tiger bunkers due to artillery shelling – allegedly by the security forces.
ICRC suspends activity
The ICRC has suspended activity at the Uyilankulam entry-exit point between government and LTTE areas as a result of this and says it will resume only if safety is guaranteed by both sides. With the Uyilankulam point closed for transport, civilian suffering has further increased.
Another matter of concern is the fate of about 850 persons from 198 families at Mullikulam. They are mainly Catholic fisher-folk families and Mannar Bishop Joseph Rayappu has raised the issue with President Rajapaksa.
Since Mullikulam was taken over by the army, quite suddenly the people could not flee, it is said. They have appealed to Bishop Rayappu that they be “rescued” quickly.
The swift offensive has resulted in sweet success for the security forces. Acquiring control over the region is of strategic significance, at least to some extent.
Firstly, it deprives the LTTE of easy access to Kalpitiya and Puttalam via the Wilpattu Wildlife Park and also by sea. This would prevent the Tigers from infiltrating the south for clandestine operations and curb acquisition of items through Puttalam and Kalpitiya. In addition, the Wilpattu Sanctuary could be opened up for tourists again.
Secondly, it would be of use to restrict if not prevent smuggling of food, fuel, medicine, essential items, etc., from India. The LTTE still has the coastal stretch from Vidathaltheevu to Poonagary under its control and therefore, traffic to and from India cannot be stopped completely but it can certainly be reduced.
Thirdly, it deprives the LTTE of control over some territory and people. This reduces its revenue through taxes and curtails conscription. If the government creates a conducive climate, the people can make a fresh start.
Oil and gas exploration options
More important however is a new beneficial factor to the state. The Mannar Basin is up for exploration for oil and gas. According to seismic data estimates, more than a billion petroleum barrels exist off the shores of the north-west.
The Mannar Basin is divided into eight zones. Two have been gifted to India and China. Tenders will be called for three others.
Silavathurai is likely to be developed as the petroleum port in the north-west. There is also the Sethusamudram Canal expansion scheme that will make the Mannar Gulf extremely important and strategically vital.
Therefore, the government needs to control the north-western coast. Without ensuring security on the coast and adjacent seas, ambitious offshore projects cannot take off.
The recent offensive is only the first phase. A series of limited offensives are likely to occur in the near future. The entire Mannar-Kilinochchi coast from Pookulam to Poonagary is likely to be a target. Apart from facilitating offshore oil exploration, there is also a politico-military advantage.
A total of 64 miles of the 90-mile stretch between Vavuniya and Jaffna on the A9 Road is under LTTE control. The security forces got bogged down in 1997-1998 when trying to open up this road through ‘Operation Jayasikuru.”
Then Anuruddha Ratwatte had the choice of going along the Mannar-Poonagary coast but preferred to go right along the middle. But the Rajapaksa regime may revise this option and go for the Mannar coastal road.
The military strategy practiced in the east is likely to be repeated here. Instead of a massive military operation, the government will probably go for a piecemeal offensive through a series of limited operations.
Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s forthright comments indicate clearly that the government intends taking the north like the east. The Musali offensive is arguably the first major success in this respect.

(http://www.nation.lk/2007/09/09/newsfe1.htm)

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Govt.-Karuna alliance ‘dangerous’ says Mangala

There is no major difference between the LTTE and the breakaway Karuna faction, a former senior minister of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government said.

Leader of the SLFP (Mahajana wing) Mangala Samarawera told BBC Sandeshaya that he was always against the government dealing with the breakaway faction led by Colonel Karuna.”Although they separated due to an internal struggle Karuna’s strategies were not different from those of LTTE,” he told journalist Thakshila Dilrukshi.

Speaking with Sandeshaya in Polonnaruwa while attending a SLFP (M) conference, the former Foreign Minister said it is ‘dangerous’ for the government to work with the Karuna faction, ‘even as a strategy’.

“The government can of course disarm Karuna, if the political will is there”.

The Mahinda Rajapaksa government, Samaraweera said, is not capable of finding a solution to Sri Lanka’s national question.

“The government is not willing and capable of finding solutions for LTTE terrorism, instead they promote LTTE terrorism,” he added.

The UN Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, John Holmes, said last month the group led by Colonel Karuna should be disarmed as soon as possible to ensure safety and security for aid workers and people living in the area.

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/09/11/news/01.asp)

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