They want Govt. to act against LTTE

Several civil society groups and political parties including the JVP, MEP, EPDP, EPRLF and TELO have decided to call a meeting in Colombo later this month as part of their efforts to pressure the government to take action against the LTTE. A spokesperson said the LTTE was taking advantage of the Cease-Fire Agreement (CFA) to neutralise their opponents.

A Defence Co-operatIon Ageeement with India by K. Godage

A delegation from India is visiting this country to finalize the long awaited Defence Cooperation Agreement; we hope that it would be an agreement which has not only substance but fills that all important vacuum in our national security. What it should not be is an agreement, which covers already existing arrangements. The DCA must send out a signal to the LTTE, if otherwise it would be a waste of time.

The LTTE vehemently opposed the Indian Oil Corporation being given the Oil Tank complex in Trincomalee and there were very important members of the former government who had reservations, stating that we were sending a wrong signal to the LTTE and jeopardizing their `EBsacred`ED peace process but thanks to renewed Indian interest (after 1987) and the persistence of a member of the former cabinet, the deal went through and the LTTE were compelled to reconcile themselves to it. The presence of the IOC in Trinco; its expanded interests in Sri Lanka is in a sense an insurance policy against the LTTE. The other initiative of the previous administration was the Defence Cooperation Agreement, which was also opposed by the LTTE and the same group who claimed to be owners of the peace process in the previous administration. They kept looking over their shoulder at the LTTE — not only because they feared that the LTTE would make it an issue to pull out of the talks (the LTTE pulled out for much less when it suited them though they hugged and kissed after Hakone) but because they feared assassination at the hands of the LTTE if they crossed them.

The Defence Cooperation Agreement, an initiative particularly pushed by former Minister Moragoda, is now on the verge of becoming a reality. If it is properly crafted it would send the best possible message to the LTTE to fall in line and agree to a settlement based on the Oslo Accords. The LTTE only understands one language `F1and that is not the language of appeasement `F1which was the language in which certain members of the former administration spoke to the LTTE. The LTTE has no respect for the weak and vacillating appeasers, they respect only the strong. They read appeasement as a sign of weakness.

There were fears that the new government after it sent a delegation to India immediately it came to office to discuss the DFA had also been infected by the UNP bug `EChow will it impact on the sacred peace process`EE. This was because of the unexplained delay to conclude the DFA. The Indians would no doubt have had to factor in the opposition from the DMK but in India most fortunately national interest supersedes parochial interests.

We were indeed hopeful after the initial visit of the new government`EDs delegation to India for discussions on regional security that a Defence Co-operation Agreement would be concluded at the earliest. That visit indicated a continuation of Defence and Foreign policy, which is vital for this country. Some detractors have commented that the PA has stolen the UNF`EDs clothes but this is not correct. The PA and the SLFP have always wanted the closest of relations with India.

The citizenry of the country would no doubt be pleased that this initiative is at long last about to come to fruition. The President should have included a nominee of the UNP on that first delegation to flag the fact that when it comes to national security, it is a bipartisan policy that this country follows—is this too much to ask of our politicians? In the same spirit that motivated the establishment of the National Peace Council the President should invite, even at this late stage, a representative from the UNP to be a part of the national delegation to the talks. This would show the world that we could be responsible people.

Our relations with India saw a significant change after 1994. Credit should be given to President Chandrika Kumaratunga and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Lakshman Kadirgamar for having reached out to mend fences and restore the relationship to what it had been during the period of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike. After the Government of Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe took over, he and Minister Moragoda further strengthened this relationship. They had, fortunately for this country, cultivated close personal relations with the Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee when he was in the opposition. During Mr. Wickramasinghe`EDs administration we saw a quantum leap in relations not only with Delhi but also with Tamil Nadu. No previous leader reached out to the South. This is a fact that must be flagged. I do hope the present leadership would also cultivate close personal relations with their counterparts in India.

It was President Kumaratunga, who launched the Free Trade Agreement with India. Though many had reservations and fears about the outcome of that Agreement it has worked out well for us. The Wickramasinghe administration has taken Economic Cooperation to new heights by extending the Free Trade concept from Goods to Services and Investment. A major achievement indeed. It was also the Wickramasinghe administration with Minister Moragoda doing the legwork that was able to lure the Indians into taking over the Trincomalee oil tank complex. They have increased their investment in this country by taking over and improving more than a hundred filling stations. Indian investment in this country today surpasses all others.

Military co-operation has been in existence for quite sometime and the Indians have been helping us with training in particular. The now pass`C8 Letters that were exchanged between President Jayewardena and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi included clauses relating to defence cooperation. That Agreement is `EBpasse`ED because both sides have been in default, having observed it in the breach. The world has also moved on and Indian foreign policy has also changed since the days when certain Indian hegemonists sought to Bhutanize this country by circumscribing our sovereignty.

Co-operation in the Defence field had increased significantly during the Wickramasinghe administration, which perceived of a new Defence Co-operation Agreement as a vital element in the peace process itself. The unfurling of a strategic umbrella over Sri Lanka was a vital element of the Wickramasinghe administration`EDs strategy. It is no secret that Prime Minister Wickremasinghe the Defence Cooperation Agreement was an instrument to check LTTE`EDs ambitions. But in this regard it must once again be stated that the PM seemed cautious as to how the LTTE would react to such an Agreement. I come to this conclusion on the basis of the time spent without movement on this and also perhaps the fact that the LTTE sympathizers in the `EBhouse`ED may have asked him to proceed cautiously. But why should the then Prime Minister have had to look over his shoulder to see how the LTTE would react, for the LTTE had done him no favours? They have on the contrary only embarrassed him by their actions, which have resulted in the Defence portfolio being taken away and finally his administration being toppled.

It would be recalled that former Minister Moragoda held discussions with Minister Fernandes who agreed to visit this country in October last year. Unfortunately commitments at home prevented his visit. But it is of significance to note that the Indian side have extended a special courtesy to our delegation which visited immediately after the new government came into office, by arranging for a meeting of the Minister of Defence for our Defence Secretary and other officials. This indicates a certain positive commitment on the part of India.

Whilst, we have been co-operating more or less on the periphery, it is now the time to broaden and deepen the security relationships for, as stated by Minister Fernandes himself, the security of India and the security of Sri Lanka are one. If an Agreement were concluded it would be the first with a SAARC country and could be the beginning of a new regional security arrangement which would be first step towards holistic regional integration which is the logical extension of the concept the Indian PM referred to at the SAARC summit.

The issue now is the model of the Agreement we should have? A mere `EBStatement of Intent`ED, a routine loose Agreement setting out inter alia the cooperation forms which already exists with what some prefer to call `EBan enabling clause`ED will not suffice to meet the needs or threats facing either country. Considering the nature of the threat we face nothing short of a Defence Pact which would include a long year lease of the Trincomalee Harbour, with co-rights for the Sri Lanka Navy would serve our needs and theirs. India could set up a regional Naval training centre at Trinco too, and last but not least use the Palaly Air Base. Any Agreement would need to cover all three branches of the military, the Army, Navy and the Air Force and also Intelligence but as to whether there is the political will in India to take on a responsibility for the defence of the region and in the process of our unity and territorial integrity would be the issue. This must certainly be more than a `EBCross Services`ED Agreement as some have suggested. An important matter that must be taken into consideration is the expanded sea arm of the LTTE`F3The Sea Tigers and their sea suicide squads and the threat to shipping and the security of the region.

India must take into consideration her role as the Region`EDs Superpower and the responsibility that goes with that status and her ambition to sit at the `EBHigh Table at the UN. India`EDs interest would also be her own security, to ensure that no threat to her unity could emanate through and from the South. The rise of linguistic nationalism and inspired terrorism would be India`EDs main concerns, for they would give a fillip to the already smouldering fissiparous tendencies manifest in a number of insurgencies of varying intensity in India.

Another interesting and important aspect of regional security is the new relationship between India and the United States. They are in the process of developing a close security relationship. The sea lanes to and from the middle east to Japan, Korea and China pass by our waters and any third rogue `EBNavy`ED such as the Sea Tigers, would constitute a huge threat to such shipping and regional security. Yet another aspect which would be of concern to India and the United States is a possibility of the LTTE not only selling its technology but also its arms to insurgent groups in India and beyond.

If an Agreement materializes the implementation of such an Agreement has to be carefully managed. The Agreement must create a permanent `EBJoint Commission`ED, which would supervise and ensure its implementation. Sri Lanka should have the strongest possible Defence Cooperation Agreements with India; it is in our mutual interest.

Muslim hostage killed in LTTE crossfire

At least one Muslim had been killed on Tuesday night at Mulawattuwan in the Batticaloa district when a group of Karuna loyalists attacked a gang of LTTE cadres holding several Muslims, military sources said.

The sources said the LTTE had detained a group of Muslims when they were engaged in collecting firewood. They had been taken to an LTTE hideout in the area. But a few hours’ later Karuna loyalists had attacked the hideout. In the exchange of fire, several Muslims had escaped but unfortunately one who was caught in the crossfire had died of gun shot injuries. (NP)

To seek a solution to ethnic problem – LTTE should give up violence, enter mainstream of politics’

The Commonwealth Parliamentary delegation, which was in Sri Lanka recently headed by Graham Allen, met Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prof. W. A. Wiswa Warnapala at the Foreign Ministry Office.

“At this critical juncture of her history, Sri Lanka should give prime importance for the full realisation of the peace process. The whole world now looks upon Sri Lanka as to the next step she is taking for the realisation of permanent peace. The LTTE should give up all forms of violence and should enter the mainstream of politics to seek a solution to the ethnic problem within the borders of Sri Lanka. The Island cannot be divided at any cost. When permanent peace dawns on Sri Lanka, the International Community will come forward to help Sri Lanka in a substantial way,” Graham Allen, Leader of the delegation said.

The delegation comprising Graham Allen Eric Forth, Carroll Forth, Austin Mitchell, Linda McDongall and Linda Perham, all senior members of the British House of Commons said They were pleased to have an audience with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prof W. A. Wiswa Warnapala who has made a significant and a remarkable contribution to parliamentary affairs by writing hundreds of articles and a number of text books on parliamentary procedures. Prof. Warnapala made use of this occasion too, to present his latest addition to his collected works — “Parliament and Public Accountability in Sri Lanka” to Graham Allen, Leader of the delegation.

Prof. Warnapala said all these years the Commonwealth of Nations survived well surpassing all obstacles and impediments on its long journey, as the leadership of the Commonwealth had the wisdom and the vision to judge the changing social structure of the world. As the decision making process of the Commonwealth is democratic, it functioned well and on the same foundation it was able to maintain and sustain the unity of its purpose.,

The talks on the Commonwealth centered around the issues of:

(a) Participatory democracy characterised by free and fair elections and representative legislatures,

(b) An independent judiciary;

(c) A well trained public service;

(d) A transparent and accountable public accounts system;

(e) Machinery to protect human rights;

(f) The right to information;

(g) Active participation of civil society, including women and youth;

(h) Substantially increased and more effective financial resources;

(i) Adherence to the internationally agreed targets of 0.7 percent of Gross National Product for development assistance.

(j) Financing and realisation of the Millennium Development Goals; and

(k) Increased democracy at the global level, including enhanced participation and transparency in international institutions.

Prof. Warnapala also presented the recently written booklet on the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to the members of the delegation.

GOSL condemns brutal killing

The continuing campaign of eliminating opponents by killing them is a negation of the values of a democratic society, the government said in a media release on the assassination of ex-TNA MP Kingsley Rasanayagam on Tuesday.

The Government of Sri Lanka will continue to make every effort to maintain law and order and bring those responsible to justice the release said.

Getting Soosai out part of LTTE ploy – Military by Shamindra Ferdinando

The military believes that Karuna loyalist ex-TNA MP Kingsley Rasanayagam was killed and veteran Sea Tiger commander Thillayampalan Sivanesan alias Soosai was sent out of the country on Tuesday as part of the LTTE strategy to neutralise the dissidents.

Rasanayagam who successfully contested the Batticaloa district was asked to step down by the LTTE and his vacancy was filled by a person loyal to the group’s Vanni leadership.

The 65-year-old politician was shot dead near Kalliyankaadu cemetery as he was about to get in his car Tuesday evening less than 24 hours Soosai boarded a SriLankan airlines flight to Singapore. In our lead story yesterday P’karan gets Soosai out with govt. help, we inadvertently said Soosai took a Singapore airlines flight out of Bandaranaike International Airport.

Soosai’s unexpected departure fuelled speculation that he had agreed to an ultimatum to quit his post in return for leaving the country, at least temporarily. “We believe a similar offer was made to Karuna but he rejected that,” an authoritative military official said. He pointed out Rasanayagam was assassinated to weaken the dissidents whose campaign had been bolstered by the actions of Karuna and his supporters.

The military believes Rasanayagam was attacked by two LTTE cadres identified as Jegan and Shuti. “One of them fired at Rasanayagam as he was about to leave a worksite situated near the cemetery. He succumbed to his injuries before he was admitted to the Batticaloa government hospital,” he said.

Tuesday’s attack was the first major political killing since a wave of LTTE attacks in the run-up to the last parliamentary elections in April.

This is what European Union Election Observation Mission said in its final report: “There is a general perception that three of the five election-related murders were backed by the LTTE in an attempt to intimidate other Tamil contestants. For example on March 30, a TNA candidate who supported Karuna was killed together with his brother in-law in Batticaloa. On the same day, the Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Agriculture of the Eastern University who supported the interests of the eastern Tamils was seriously wounded in Batticaloa.

According to the EU mission, there were two primary reasons for LTTE attacks, “firstly the LTTE intended that no other rival Tamil party (or Tamil candidate from the mainstream political alliances) to the TNA would be able to claim to represent Tamil interests. A chilling message to this effect was sent early in the campaign when a UNP candidate was assassinated.”

From graveyards to ghosts of liveration by Frances Bulathsinghala in Wanni

Balasundarampillai, is one among four hired masons who have come from government-controlled Vavuniya to the LTTE-controlled Madhu region to construct anew the LTTE cemeteries that have been left incomplete.

He is following the instructions given by the LTTE on how the cemetery is to be arranged – with trenches cut. “Just in case, there is a war again,” he adds without being asked. He does not have to add: to bury those who are killed.

The cement on the oblong tomb stones, 320 in all, is barely dry. This cemetery, in the vicinity of the Madhu church, unlike the many others which are completed with marble slabs and podium, had been mounds of soil, marking the graves of the cadres. Now wet and glistening, the name plaques are marked. Irrespective of rank, following the LTTE status of proclaimed equality.

Does the idea of another war seem to bother Mr. Balasunderampillai, a father of three children to feed? Not yet. For him after two and a half years of peace, war seems to hover in the distant, improbable horizon. The recent LTTE suicide bombing which shook Colombo in particular and the country in general does not apply to him.

He does not live in Colombo and is not a Sinhalese and the impact of the recent LTTE suicide attack has little effect on him. He does not know or care about the reasons behind the attack which was targeted at the arch enemy of the LTTE and the only Tamil political ally of President Kumaratunga, Minister Douglas Devananda.

And Mr. Balasundarampillai has only vaguely heard of Mr. Devananda, the Hindu Affairs Minister, the only Tamil politician who does not support the LTTE and whose very name on Tamil lips is considered poisonous fair by the Tamil Tigers.

And as he arranges brick upon brick to create the cemetery infrastructure which is similar to all the LTTE cemeteries in the other northeastern areas, Mr. Balasundaranpillai explains that he is lucky because he is hired by the LTTE directly. Lucky, because this way he does not have to pay the LTTE tax — the rate depending on the nature and size of the construction — for entering Tiger-controlled territory for obtaining employment in this land of liberation.

Not that there is any construction work as such, unless it is carried out by the LTTE. No one can afford constructions. And if any is attempted by any chance, there is the LTTE interrogation to be faced, as to why such constructions are needed for the ordinary people. There is no question here of building a house as opulent as one likes. Cement cannot be found anywhere except with the LTTE cement ‘dealers’ and (to a minimum extent) at the cooperative society located in the towns. And even here it is priced at Rs. 550 , because of the LTTE tax, nearly 150 rupees higher than the price in Colombo.

“We will be given another contract for a cemetery in Kilinochchi and maybe more. This is an assured income,” says Mr. Balasundarampillai. He begins to enumerate the LTTE tax strategy but stops as the keeper of the cemetery, an LTTE member who declines to divulge his name, arrives to brusquely demand why we want to know anything about how the LTTE runs its administration.

He is friendlier when asked to explain about the costs of setting up the cemetery. About the LTTE cemeteries, the stamp of its military past and its ‘freedom struggle’, he is happy to talk.

It costs Rs. 6,000 a tomb, including the labour costs, he explains. He does not enumerate the expenditure for the lofty wall that surrounds the cemetery acreage, though. Nor does he explain about the LTTE proliferation of its coffers mainly through its taxes. According to the LTTE-run Wanni Transport Board, the tax, one way travel on the one bus which plies twice from the main Madhu route, is Rs. 40.

For bringing in bikes, cycles and tractors from government-controlled territory to LTTE regions, the tax is 25% which applies for any kind of goods including large quantities of consumer goods though the LTTE propaganda website claimed last year that they had waived taxes on most items.

More than 15 kilometres away from the area of the Madhu church, which was a camp for the war displaced, where over 10,000 families lived in shacks we turn towards the Mawawi-Kilinochchi route, the non-tarred jungle bordered road leads to pockets of land cleared for habitation. No buses of the LTTE transport service, the only transport service in the area, ply on this road. Dust creates an almost palpable curtain and the brown of the dried up shrubs gets thicker with each mile.

Periyapandivirichan, an arid jungle terrain, is one area along this stretch which houses around 35 families who had earlier lived in the huddled confines of the Madhu IDP settlement.

“There is no way of earning a living. We survive because we cultivate our own food,” says Ponniah Mahendra standing on the parched ground which he has tried to force into bearing fruit with meagre results. It is now almost eight months since he and his acquaintances at the Madhu settlement arrived here with their scanty war preserved belongings and cleared the heavy jungle into a marginally habitable place.

He has tried to tame this land into agriculture as much as possible and his present agricultural bounty totals to a few plantain trees, onion paths, manioc and chillie cultivation.

He remains mute to what he thinks of the LTTE. Nobody makes any comment of what he thinks of the LTTE. Fettered by a poverty as parched as this land, liberation hovers in the air and blends into the hot winds. Yet, when asked why he does not make an effort to sell some of the produce, he says the effort of cycling five kilometres to the nearest village on his rusted cycle is not worth it as he has to also pay the 5% LTTE tax levied for selling vegetable produce.

Those owning cycles or motorcycles have a better way of earning a living as they rent the vehicles out for Rs. 10 a ride for short distances which total to around Rs. 50 for over ten kilometres.

Asked if the LTTE assists the Tamil people living in territory controlled by it through the LTTE-run monetary organisations such as the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation and the LTTE Economic Development Centre, he says he is not aware of such organisations as they do not assist the Tamil people in the Wanni. Nor does he seem aware of the nature of the liberation the LTTE is fighting for.

Images of a ravaged culture

Aham Puram, an exhibition depicting the horrors of war by gifted artists from both the North and South will be open throughout this month at the Jaffna Public Library. Frances Bulathsinghala reports

As a young boy Pakianathan Ahilan used to often watch the sunset. From his hometown Araly, a remote village in Jaffna overlooking the sea, he would observe beyond the horizon, how the sun would make its glorious exit from day and sink in the sky just behind the edifice that the Tamil people considered part of their intellectual heritage – the stately structure of the Jaffna Public Library. This image he would later sketch if there was sufficient chalk in the house.

Ahilan was too young to be familiar with the vast number of texts and chronicles that existed within those imposing walls and going to the library for him then was as ceremonious as attending the yearly cultural festival with his parents. However he dreamt of the day he would be able to enter those hallowed precincts and discover the key to knowledge.

His eight-year-old dreams were shattered on May 31, 1981 when his horizon became submerged in fire and all that was left to view were charred remnants and a burning city.

It has been 23 years since the burning of the Jaffna library by political goons and the fuelling of a bloody ethnic conflict opening the gates of terrorism. Ahilan who is qualified in art history and in art criticism stands in the premises of the old Public Library. Surrounding him are new walls. New books. A new phase. A new version of the old library. And in this new library which was opened to the public in February this year, is the one month long art exhibition opened on September 5 of which Ahilan is one of the key organisers and curator.

The biggest ever art exhibition so far to be held in Jaffna with the participation of over fifty Southern artists through sculpture, paintings and installation creates an awareness that is harrowing. And the Jaffna Public Library which stands as witness to a senseless , politicized war seems the most appropriate place to have the exhibition dealing largely with the theme of war and peace leaving it to the viewer to imagine the horrors of those who lived through what was acted out in real, cold blooded, life.

Titled Aham Puram (translated from Tamil meaning ‘inner’ and ‘outer’- the two words also could be interpreted as home and world), the exhibition is the result of the labours of the organisers – Jagath Weerasinghe and a group of artists from Colombo belonging to the Theertha International Artists Collective and a group of literary and aesthetic figures based in Jaffna and affiliated to the Jaffna university. The exhibition is also mainly the brainchild of the study site for visual culture, named Sethu, an organisation launched in July this year to improve the arts in Jaffna and especially propagate artistic communication between the South and the North.

With over fifty paintings mostly oils on canvas portraying the various aspects of conflict displayed, the exhibition has a large number of installations with a separate installation titled ‘History of Histories’ which takes up two halls of the library. This art installation consisting of ‘war remnants’ collected randomly from 500 houses within the Jaffna peninsula captures vividly the ashes that the twenty- year- old conflict created in the souls of the Jaffna people.

A board describing this art work ‘History of Histories’ has this to say : “Loss, destruction, despair, disappearance, suffering, death, exodus and nostalgia became part of mundane and ordinary experience. There is no house or street or village or town without the touch of war. Even though the people restarted removing the physical destructions of war and engaged in reconstruction, they still live with their inner wounds in the ‘no war’ time’.

Plastic bottles cut into half and sealed with the tops of the bottles turned inward contain ‘ordinary’ things : an identity card , a Ministry form filled by a desperate wife looking for her missing husband suspected to have been taken in by the military under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, an empty cigarette packet, a knife, a rusted door knob, a faded photograph of happy times… The list continues. Ordinary things rusted in time in the receding memory of war. Every assembled item could be taken for its own symbol. The knife for the hope, joy, and life the war has severed, the door knob for the opening of the doors of terror and again (if a positive note is to be forced) for the opening of the doors of peace. Pieces of rusted and broken lamps for the snuffing out of the light of living.

Among the items in this display are many identity cards of owners whose whereabouts were never known. Ahilan walking through the two halls containing this artwork explains that it was specially done for the Jaffna Public Library. He points out that even after the conclusion of the exhibition this installation might get its permanent place in the library as the two halls it is displayed in are so far vacant.

“In this particular installation it is for the people to make their own impressions. We are forcing nothing upon them but give them ‘reality’ in aesthetic hues,” explains Ahilan who says that there have been many visitors from Colombo since the opening of the exhibition on September 5th.

Speaking of the paintings from Southern artists including veterans such as Chandragupta Thenuwara, Jagath Weerasinghe, Sarath Kumarasiri and Anoli Perera he says that although there was no formal theme in particular for the selection of works, all the paintings invariably dealt with war and peace “This is the 90’s trend,” he says by way of explanation and states that this trend had most of the artists juxtaposing Buddhism against conflict and terrorism. This he says is a campaign against the institutionalization of Sri Lankan Buddhism as a political tool.

Among the paintings is Chandragupta Thenuwara’s famous depiction of war in the form of ‘barrelism’ as exhibited from the beginnings of the 90s in Colombo. Although the exhibition clearly deals with a past that is wrapped in darkness and which seems to still have only glimmers of light, T. Shanaathanan who is a Jaffna based artist and affiliated to the Jaffna University in the capacity of lecturer in the Department of Fine Arts says that more than the past or the present the exhibition is aimed at focusing on the aspect of transition.

“The existence and meaning of aham (inner) is dependent upon and inclusive of puram (outer) and a yearning to grasp the subtleties of aham takes us to the wider world of puram. The anxieties of suspicion and fear that ensues when confronting puram makes us realise the meanings of aham,” explains Shanaathanan delineating the spiritual cum philosophical aspect of the two words and their implications.

The most unique art installation ‘The table of food’ which has a remarkable sense of acuity, is in the form of a dinner table, covered by a white tablecloth, with white plates, where the ‘food’ burnt to cinders is placed. The menu includes among other sooty ‘delicacies’, a severed hand.

This creation of Sanath Kalubadana delivers the message by its concept but it is in the handwritten ‘menu’ fixed on the table at every plate that the weight of the message comes through. Within a folded sheet of paper with red letters that states ‘menu’ is the statement with space for comments that says : “I have only this to offer. Since this food is inedible, please write about a culture that can produce edible food”.

This message epitomizes the message of all the artists. Existence is no longer human. Politics is no longer there to serve people. And religion a political rhetoric.

Tiger facilities to be reviewed by Sunil Jayasiri

The facilities now being extended to the LTTE are to be reviewed in the wake of several instances where the LTTE had reportedly taken undue advantage of them under the Ceasefire Agreement, a top government official said.

The highly placed official told the Daily Mirror yesterday that SLMM Head Trond Furuhovde, the Norwegian facilitators and Government Peace Secretariat chief Jayantha Dhanapala would meet on Thursday at the Peace Secretariat to discuss the issue.

According to him the review of facilities is to be undertaken after several instances have been cited by the military where sick LTTE cadres who are brought to a cleared area for medical treatment are accompanied by several other persons whom the military cannot identify.

Other instances are where senior LTTE leaders seek helicopter rides from the North to the East and vice-versa. It has come to light that a large number of such trips have not been made for peace-related matters, the official said.

“We cannot identify who is coming to the cleared areas. Sometimes they submit their identities and sometimes they don’t, and recently a senior LTTE cadre tried to enter the government-held area posing as a civilian, though he had been issued with an identity card. That is why the government wants the facilities reviewed”, he said.

“Some groups have taken undue advantage to infiltrate Colombo and the suburbs under the Ceasefire Agreement”, he charged.

He also said the government had to spend a large sum of money to maintain the peace process at the time the country was facing an economic crisis.

Meanwhile, Defence Secretary Cyril Herath said that the SLMM chief had informed him that he would personally visit the controversial Nagar Kovil area in Jaffna, where the LTTE had moved its Forward Defence Line closer to the Army Forward Defence Line.

Following the meeting with the SLMM head, Mr. Herath said the SLMM would submit a full report on the issue soon after conducting a first hand study there.

Speaking on the LTTE bunker issue in Trincomalee, he had already received a full report from the SLMM and was studying it.

No direct aid to LTTE, says World Bank

The World Bank has reassured it would not be providing direct funding to the LTTE, despite speculation that it was preparing to implement its proposed development programmes in the uncleared areas with the LTTE.

A spokesman for the World Bank office in Colombo told The Sunday Times they would remain with the original position that all funding would be channeled through the Central government.

The controversy came after World Bank country director Peter Harrold this week visited the LTTE in the north and handed over a Tamil translation of the Country Assistance Strategy which covers projects to be introduced in the northern and eastern provinces, including the uncleared areas.

Following the meeting, the LTTE’s peace secretariat in a statement said that discussions took place between Mr. Harrold and LTTE Political Wing leader S.P.Thamilselvan on removing ‘impediments in the delivery of humanitarian assistance in the absence of the right mechanism’.

Mr. Tamilselvan had pointed out that the delay on the part of the government to resume negotiations on the basis of the ISGA proposals was seriously viewed by the Tamil people who had been denied the dividends of peace, the report said.

The statement quoted Mr. Harrold as telling Mr. Thamilselvan that the World Bank was aware of the necessity of institutionalising the ISGA. But, on arrival in Colombo the World Bank in a statement said Mr. Harrold had referred to the Tokyo declaration which stated that ‘assistance by the donor community would be closely linked to substantial and parallel progress in the peace process’.

The World Bank Colombo office will this week also be writing to the National Patriotic Movement, spelling out its position about the funding and clearing doubts of the World Bank allocating any funds to the LTTE.

The NPM had written to Mr. Harrold that it was worried that the 2004 development plan including the continuation of the humanitarian aid was handed over by him to the LTTE political wing leader.

The NPM said the “World Bank is a lending organization recognized throughout the world. It often deals with sovereign states. Never before have we heard about the World Bank extending financial aid to a terrorist organization anywhere in the world or officially presenting its reports to such organizations. As the ban on the LTTE was lifted by the previous UNP government it is true that it is now not an officially proscribed organization in Sri Lanka.”