Former pro- Karuna MP shot dead

Former TNA Parliamentarian Kingsley Rajanayagam was shot dead allegedly by LTTE pistol gang members at Jayanthipuram in Batticaloa yesterday, military sources said.

They said Mr. Rajanayagam, known to be a close associate of dissident leader Karuna, was travelling in his car, when the gunmen had followed him on a motorcycle for some distance and then shot him dead near the Kalliyankaadu cemetery.

A police security guard who was with Mr. Rajanayagam was also injured and admitted to hospital.

Following the killing additional troops were called in and security tightened while a hunt was launched for the killers.

Mr. Rajanayagam had contested the April 2004 general election and was elected from the Batticaloa District with 38,633 preferential votes. He had attended the TNA’s first Parliamentary group meeting but he was summoned by the LTTE and was allegedly forced to resign.

Book review – The ISGA according to SL – no halfway house

ABOMINATION – About the demand for an ISGA- by S. L. Gunasekara. Reviewed by Rajpal Abeynayake

S. L Gunasekara likes to pre-empt the big boys, and this time his tilt is at the would-be negotiators of the government and the LTTE if they get to the table to negotiate the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) that now joins the long list of acronyms that have sprung to life in the over twenty year discourse relating to Sri Lanka’s long-running conflict.

Gunasekara, a civil lawyer (see profile) pumps up his argument against the ISGA with legalistic citations, but then, when he cuts to the bone, he unearths some posers that will not be liked by any would-be negotiators, I wager, on either side.

He writes: If as the LTTE states, the ISGA is necessary to bring the dividends of the purported peace process to the Tamils, how is it necessary for that purpose to rule areas like Dehiattakandiya (98.8% Sinhalese), Padavisripura (100% Sinhalese), Bintenna Pattu East and West (99.4 % cent Sinhalese), Gomarankadawela (99..5% Sinhalese), Kinniya (96.1 % Moor) Addalechchenai (93.12% Moor) or Akkraipattu ( 96.3 % Moor.)

It is of course precisely due to these kinds of population figures that those in favour of the shared-ruled self-rule argument have pointed out that there is something in any arrangement for devolution of power called the “regional minorities”.

Whosoever administrates any economically viable province, it is argued by them, has to administer the entire province which will necessarily contain some regional minorities.

But with S.L. Gunasekara such arguments do not cut, because he is primarily against any idea of an ISGA because he feels (with very strong language that’s unremittingly pugnacious) that the Tigers are a bunch of criminals.

On occasion he calls the LTTE Tamil Nazis — and apart from the fact that it might raise hackles among some Jews to whom Nazis are in a class of their own in their atrocities — the Nazi epithet certainly lends that much more colour to the gamut of adjectives that have been used over time to describe the Liberation Tigers.

Gunasekara’s enumeration of the provisions of the Tiger ISGA proposals is to be expected from a man who has written intermittently about the lopsidedness of the ceasefire agreement, and other such issues – such as the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, issues which have figured in the long march that the Sri Lankan conflict has endured since those incipient days of attempted reconciliation in the far off aeon of Thimpu.

It is very clear that Mr. Gunasekara feels the ISGA is a ploy for the Tigers to sack the Sri Lankan judiciary in the North East and take over the judicial process while taking over all control of land and sea resources. He also says the ISGA is a patent violation of the ceasefire agreement.

In his own words: “While the fact of this demand being a patent violation of the ceasefire agreement is as plainly visible as the nose on one’s face, neither the present government, nor the last nor the so called ‘International community.”’etc.,etc.,

One does not need a nose for these things to know that the author wants to shred the ISGA to pieces. Does he assume that the ISGA as a demand should be considered beyond the pale that it does not merit any sort of negotiation based upon it?

Well, it certainly does appear so — but he does not leave room for supposing that all that has been asked for in the ISGA, can be significantly watered down. Two thirds of his book is devoted to demolishing the ISGA as it is.

But he does say in the eighth chapter that supporters and apologists of the LTTE as well as Neville Chamberlain-like appeasers want the ISGA discussed. Here he makes clear that the ISGA in his mind is not a document that can be sufficiently watered down.

His argument in its rudiments is to say that it’s an affront to the Sinhalese people, and should therefore be ditched and destroyed. In his own inimitable pastiche, “it is like A making a pact with B (in an assumed conflict between A and B) for A to rape B’s mother in order to arrive at an amicable settlement of the dispute.”

With that sentence, one does, of course, understand exactly where Gunasekara’s arguments are coming from. He sees the LTTE and its proposals as beyond the pale, and he almost places himself beyond the pale in the style, the aggressiveness and logic of his rationale.

It is vintage S.L. Gunasekara of course – he represents a point of view that almost seeking a total absolution for the nation’s sins in reversing to a total status quo ante since the LTTE’s armed action began. His book’s cover is of infants macheted to death by LTTE death squads in the Eastern Province. It’s a gruesome picture. He also makes the more than valid argument that the LTTE is persecuting its enemies even as it is asking for an Interim administration for itself to govern the affairs of the North and the East.

His point that murderers cannot be allowed to govern even a half inch strip of territory is more than abundantly clear; it’s an ideological position which in fact does not have to technically be told in a book because it is plain in one sentence.

It can be posited that his position is the antipode of those who say that compromises and adjustments could be made; that even the worst murderer can be made malleable by negotiations or can be made to arrive at a reasonable arrangement that had the off-chance at least of putting an end to a problem that seems to be without end.

Gunasekara’s position will certainly be at odds with those who say that the Sri Lankan army was unable to deliver the coup de grace to the Tigers, which therefore necessarily means that the government should come to some sort of arrangement with them, however unpalatable it may seem. Gunasekara argues completely out of that frame of reference.

His is a zero sum position that says: if they are murderers and criminals, it is no way to solve the problem with their cooperation. He might as well have said there is no point talking to the Tigers at all – period – – about anything at anytime. I’m not sure he does not say this, at least implies it, but the bottom line with this book is that either a reader agrees with him, or he doesn’t.

You could say if you are for nicety that his book does not believe in a nuanced argument – – or you could just say that Gunasekara thinks one does not give an inch to LTTE or their sort no matter what – even if it’s the collective national agony of mutual self-annihilation and slow death. Certainly he offers a very clear choice – and you can either agree with him, or not. The book is priced at Rs. 300 and is available at Vijitha Yapa Bookshops.

S.L. – a voice refusing to be smothered?

PROFILE

When inaugural peace talks between the Sri Lankan government, Tamil rebels and Tamil political parties were held in the Bhutanese capital of Thimpu, S. L. Gunasekera was sent along with Mark Fernando, both at that time upwardly mobile legal eagles, to be a part of the negotiating team.

Gunasekara was also previously assigned a secret file on violence in the North while serving in the Attorney General’s Department, and then, when runaway political ambitions of the LTTE were manifest, S.L. was able to put his experience to good effect. Gunasekara leads a nationalist movement aimed at helping Sinhalese victims of the civil war and soldiers fighting it.

Gunasekara, a civil lawyer who lives in his well-appointed digs in Colombo 8, is identified by the LTTE sympathizers and sometimes by a larger swathe of liberal minded Tamils and Sinhalese as a hawk of quite unrelenting proportions.

A former Editor of the Davasa, Mr Gunasekara is a bi-lingual who has nevertheless been faulted by the hard-line Sinhala lobby for accidents of birth, and other incidental upshots from a sheltered life lived as a scion of an urban and urbane family with a public school background. S. L. was educated at S. Thomas’ College, Mt Lavinia, and he was born a Methodist. He claims agnosticism now.

Gunasekara has been uncompromising in career and conviction, to the point where he has refused silk as a lawyer, and also sacrificed his parliamentary seat when the SLFP changed its stand on the issue of devolution of power.

He was a founder of the Sihala Urumaya, a precursor of the current Jathika Hela Urumaya, but he then resigned from this outfit as well, claiming that a Taliban like rump had taken over the party.

He went on to found the Sinhala Jathika Sangamaya which has not still found the resonance of the JHU, which makes Gunasekara what he referred to himself in a press interview once as “a voice in the wilderness”.

However, Gunasekara carries on an activist campaign to redress grievances of terrorist-affected families in Anuradhapura, Vavuniya, Mullaitivu Trincomalee, Ampara and Polonnaruwa districts. He has written four previous books on the Sri Lankan conflict, with titles as colourfully terse and poetic such as ‘Wages of Sin’ and the ‘Tragedy of Errors’. The other two are ‘Tiger Moderates and Pandora’s Package’, and ‘The Indo Lanka Accord – An Analysis’.

The son of late Justice E. H. T. Gunasekara, judge of the Supreme Court, S. L. naturally gravitated towards the law. It’s a career that he does not necessarily adore, often saying that its hurly burly and unmentionable ways are not quite endearing to his temperament. But he has had no such hesitation jumping headlong into the political whirl, in which he has been known to be as pugnacious as his personal trademark style portends : gravelly voiced, quip-prone and utterly uncompromising. He lives like his book – you may or may not agree with him, but his politics stays the way he wants it. –

TNA MP deported from Tamil Nadu By Chris Kamalendran

A TNA parliamentarian who was on his way to attend a conference organised by a pro-LTTE group in Tamil Nadu was deported yesterday, party sources said.

The member, Kanahendran Eelavendan accompanied by Upcountry People’s Front leader P. Chandrasekaran left Colombo last afternoon for the meeting, but was stopped at the Chennai airport and refused entry into the country.

Mr. Chandrasekaran, who was allowed to proceed from the airport, reportedly made an attempt to argue the case for his colleague, but failed to convince the authorities to allow Mr. Eelavendan to enter Tamil Nadu.

They were on the way to attend an annual event organised by pro-LTTE Tamil National Movement leader Pala Nedumaran who had been detained for more than one and half years under India’s anti-terrorism laws and released along with pro-LTTE MDMK leader Vaiko early this year.

The event in Bangalore attracts a large number of delegates from various parts of the world to speak on the rights of the Tamils. According to these sources, Mr. Eelavendan was last night heading back to Colombo from Chennai, leaving behind Mr. Chandrasekaran. ITAK General Secretary Mavai Senathiraja had also gone to Tamil Nadu earlier to attend the same conference.

Explaining the reasons why Mr. Eelavendan was turned away, party sources said he had been living as a refugee in Tamil Nadu for more than 15 years, but had been deported in December 4, 2000 after being accused of being a pro-LTTE activist.

He is learnt to have gone to Tamil Nadu without a visa, using the privilege given to MPs to travel visa-free to any SAARC country. Though the deportation caused a stir across the Palk Straits, an official of the Indian High Commission in Colombo claimed last night they were not aware of the happenings.

Jaffna people yearn for peace, says Ilamparithi by Frances Bulathsinghala

The Jaffna district LTTE political wing chief C. Ilamparithi said the EPDP was one of the biggest worries of the LTTE and he believed Jaffna has to be rid of this menace because one of the main problems with the EPDP was that it aids and abets the government’s security forces.

Turning more or less a deaf ear to questions on LTTE killings in Jaffna, in other areas of the northeast and in Colombo, the LTTE’s Jaffna political chief focused instead on questions regarding the resettlement of Muslims and the reasons for LTTE taxation.

The heavy taxes imposed by the LTTE on any Tamil (or non Tamil) for every item he purchased or brought into Jaffna, he claimed was necessary for the development of the Tamil people and added that the tax issue was used as a ‘political boomerang’ by forces opposed to the LTTE as a means of discrediting the organisation.

Following is the full text of the interview given by the Jaffna district LTTE political wing chief to the Sunday Times:

In your view how would you describe the present situation in Jaffna?

The Jaffna people hope they can achieve their fundamental rights and an environment of peace. They are still suffering economically. The government has not done anything to improve their living standards. The military is still a threat to them. They hope military pressure on them will be reduced.

What kind of military pressure are you speaking of?

There are fifty-eight fishing jetties in the Jaffna district. Out of this only about twenty are allowed to operate by the Jaffna security forces. There is no freedom for fishing for the fisher-folk of Jaffna because of the strict security measures implemented by the Navy.

The LTTE is also maintaining its own stringent security measures in the area before allowing people to enter the Jaffna peninsula, so is it not understandable that the security forces too would be adopting similar precautions especially at sea?

These measures invariably affect the people of Jaffna.

With regard to the security measures you undertake on land, could you comment on the need for the kind of heavy security precautions taken by the LTTE by way of meticulously screening all those who enter the Jaffna district?

There are many government spies who come here. In the past two years this region has seen a large-scale infiltration by government intelligence officers. It is to prevent this type of infiltration that we are compelled to screen all visitors.

But are not the Jaffna people also affected by these measures adopted by the LTTE?

No.

What about the repercussions in case the people are unable to pay taxes as specified by the LTTE?

That is a different matter. There are tax exemptions for items such as school equipment.

However isn’t the tax charged in the first instance and a rebate if any is to be obtained later? Is that correct?

Yes. These are the regulations.

You spoke of the security forces obstructing the fishermen when they go out to sea. Aren’t you aware that at present the biggest problem faced by the north east fishermen is from Indian fishing boats poaching in Sri Lankan waters, which is also posing a grave threat to the lives of fishermen in these areas?

Yes.

What has the LTTE done about this?

A. We are not in a position to do anything. It is up to the Navy. However the fishermen’s associations have spoken to the Tamil Nadu fishermen’s society representatives but the problem still continues.

Has not the LTTE on many occasions staged vociferous protests against issues arising between the people and the security forces?

And since the Indian fishermen’s issue is clearly affecting the people in the northeast, why have you not taken up the matter with the Indian High Commission and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission?

We have done what we could.

It is often alleged that at present the LTTE has distanced itself from the ordinary Tamil citizen living in the northeast and in LTTE controlled areas as they are supposed to be undergoing many hardships. How do you respond to this?

We deny this. This is baseless.

What is the LTTE doing to improve the lives of the north east people and especially those living in Jaffna where the LTTE is now very clearly making its presence felt?

We are in the process of setting up social groups in all areas of the Jaffna peninsula to create an awareness among the people about their rights. We also want them to be ever conscious of the Tamil struggle.

Is this part of your political work in Jaffna?

A. Yes. We have to change many things in the social context such as the issue of dowry. We are aware that there are certain classes who may be unhappy with the way we operate our political system.

Since you admit that there may be those who would not fall in line with your regulations, does it mean that you are aware of a rift in Tamil opinion about your organisation?

There is no rift as such. I was explaining about the commitment we require from the Tamil people. But we are aware that those opposing the LTTE are using the tax issue as a political boomerang.

Some time ago Muslims and Sinhalese also lived in Jaffna before the LTTE sent them away at gunpoint. In today’s context do you agree that Jaffna belongs to the Muslims and Sinhalese as well?

Yes. We do not have anything against any Sinhalese or Muslims settling in Jaffna.

They are free to buy land and make their homes here. They are free to settle in Jaffna or even Kilinochchi. Any Sri Lankan can settle in any part of Sri Lanka.

So do you consider the Kilinochchi region, which you call the Tamil Eelam in placards placed at your police stations, the judiciary and banks as a part of Sri Lanka?

Yes. But we do not agree to Sinhala colonization?

Do you then mean that one person can buy land in the Northeast but that many cannot?

No. What we mean is that we do not agree to colonization for Sinhala political purposes.

So would you say that if the thousands of families who were chased away by the LTTE were to return then this would be Sinhala colonization?

No.

Regarding your verbal assurances regarding the resettlement of Muslims and Sinhalese what are you doing to put these assurances into practice?

We have reassured the Muslims who are coming back that they are safe here. When necessary we have also seen to it that the houses of Muslims occupied by Tamils are cleared for the Muslims returning from the refugee camps to resettle in Jaffna.

It is alleged by the Muslims who have returned to Jaffna that they find it impossible to stay on in Jaffna because of harassment by the LTTE. Do you have any comments?

We do not agree with this. These are all statements made to slander the LTTE.

What comments do you have to make on the string of murders of anti LTTE persons and the latest murder in Jaffna of former Pradeshiya Sabha member of the EPDP, Arul Prakash?

It is up to the government to comment on these killings. They are happening in government-controlled areas.

Yes, but these are people who oppose the LTTE and the LTTE stands accused of these murders that are taking place despite the ceasefire agreement signed between Velupillai Prabhakaran and former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

What are your comments on the common knowledge that the spate of assassinations carried out in Jaffna and other regions throughout the country is by your organisation?

We have always denied this.

Sea Tiger Chief flies to Singapore By Sunil Jayasiri

The LTTE’s Sea Tiger chief Thillayampalan Sivanesan alias Soosai flew to Singapore yesterday for medical treatment security sources at the Katunayake airport said.

They said a special Air Force helicopter had brought Soosai to Colombo from Kilinochchi on Monday evening and he spent the night in Colombo before leaving for Singapore.

It is learnt that several other LTTE cadres also accompanied Soosai.

Soosai’s visit to Singapore follows speculation that he had defected from the LTTE due to a dispute with the leadership.

In a statement later, London based LTTE spokesman Anton Balasingham denied the reports and said Soosai had a bullet lodged in his back from a wound sustained in fighting during the IPKF intervention. The bullet had gradually moved and occasionally causes severe discomfort, compelling him to rest.

Meanwhile, the Government Peace Secretariat in a statement said it was informed by the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo that Soosai was in need of emergency medical treatment abroad because of a rapidly worsening condition caused by an old injury sustained in a conflict. The assistance of the government was sought to facilitate his departure from Sri Lanka yesterday accompanied by his medical team.

In response to this, and on humanitarian grounds, the LTTE group was transported by the government from Kilinochchi to Colombo. Thereafter, the group travelled abroad on Sri Lanka passports at their own expense, the Peace Secretariat said.

Anti-terror financial network full of holes by Nina Berglund

Norwegian financial institutions don’t check whether money flows from Norway to known terror organizations such as Hamas, ETA or the Tamil Tigers. Norwegian authorities haven’t required them to do so.

Norway is obligated to fight financing of terrorism under a UN convention that it signed after the September 11 attacks in the US. Norway also quickly approved a law making funding of terrorist organizations punishable by up to 15 years in prison.But several known terrorist organizations aren’t on the list of those that banks and other financial institutions are supposed to watch out for.Regulators in Norway have distributed a UN list to Norwegian banks with the names of 206 persons, 65 financial institutions and companies, and 10 organizations suspected of being involved with the financing of terrorism.Local banks are required to report any transactions involviing names on the list to the authorities, which then may freeze accounts.Those missing were apparently overlooked on the UN list, and Norwegian authorities have been reluctant to add them for fear of unfairly exposing innocent bank customers, and risking damage claims.

Aftenposten English Web Desk

FM Radio transmission facility for LTTE:Statement by the Government

Following is the statement by the Government regarding the issue of a license to the LTTE Peace Secretariat to operate an FM Radio transmission facility.

This statement seeks to clarify certain concerns expressed in the media about the circumstances in which a license was issued to the LTTE Peace Secretariat to operate a private FM Radio transmission in the Vanni.

These concerns mainly covered four aspects;

1. whether the LTTE Peace Secretariat was duly authorised to operate an FM radio transmission facility and the conditions attached thereto.

2. whether the security implications for the country were safeguarded by the authorities in the importation of the equipment.

3. the implications security-wise of the VSAT communication equipment acquired by the LTTE.

4. clearance of the consignment and the role of the Norwegian Embassy.

Whether the LTTE Peace Secretariat has been duly authorised to operate an FM Radio transmission facility and the conditions attached thereto.

A License to operate and maintain a private Broadcasting station was issued by the Government to the Secretary General LTTE Peace Secretariat on 11 November 2002 in terms of Section 44 of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation Act No. 37 of 1966 under the following terms and conditions (see Annexe 1 for full text of the Licence). As will be seen the main features of the Licence are:

* the broadcasting programmes should be in accordance with the norms, standards and code of ethics followed by the SLBC

* high quality shall be maintained both as regards to transmission and the matter transmitted>

* broadcasting programmes shall be confined to educational, sports, entertainment (with desirable family content) and foreign news.

* a specific frequency shall be used – 98 MHz has been assigned to the Peace Secretariat, subject to the following:

Location – to be fixed at Kilinochchi

Output Power – 5 kw

Coverage area – 20 km radius

Altitude – 75 metres high

* in addition the Licence empowers the Minister of Mass Communication to impose any other condition from time to time, as he may consider necessary, for the purpose of carrying on the service of broadcasting in Sri Lanka.

The Licence was issued in response to a specific request by the LTTE on the 18th October 2002 for a licence to operate a FM Radio station at Kilinochchi.

This letter is reproduced below for public information.

Quote:

Hon. Imthiaz Bakeer Markar

Minister of Mass Communication

Dear Sir,

This request is made, in order to obtain a licence, to operate a FM Radio Station at Kilinochchi. As you know, a large population living in the North and East province, are deprived of Education, News and Entertainment, due to lack of FM Radio Station, and also due to the poor signals from the broadcasting station, that are located in Colombo.

If I may say correctly, in certain parts of the North Eastern Region, broadcasting reception is virtually non-existence. The need for broadcasting services has become all the more important today, to strengthen the peace initiatives, currently undertaken by both by Sri Lanka government and the LTTE.

You would undoubtedly agree with me, a well-informed public is a pre-condition for the consolidation of peace efforts by all of us. Therefore we should explore all possible means of reaching the public, to keep them informed. Moreover, in the absence of any widely circulated newspaper in the area, you would agree with me that, radio broadcasting is the only way in which we can reach the people in a cost-effective manner.

Considering the importance and urgency of the need, the Tamil Peace Secretariat has decided to commence a radio station, under the proper licence from the Sri Lanka Government, for the benefit of the people of the North and East.

Therefore, we shall be grateful if you could issue a licence and allocate a suitable frequency, in order for us to establish and operate a FM Radio station, for the benefit of the people of the North and East. Your early responses to the request of ours will be greatly appreciated.

Yours sincerely,

(Signed)

S. Puleedevan

Secretary General

LTTE Peace Secretariat

c.c.

1. Secretary to the Hon. Prime Minister

2. Secretary to the Minister of Defence

3. Secretary to the Peace Secretariat in Colombo

It will be clear that the grant of the licence to the LTTE Peace Secretariat brings, for the first time, such radio transmissions by the LTTE under the Laws of Sri Lanka. It subjects the holder of the licence, the LTTE, to specific conditions regarding the content and manner of their broadcasting in future. Indeed these are the self-same conditions which apply to all other private FM licence holders operating in the rest of the country such as MTV, Sirasa, Shakti etc.

This request of the LTTE for a radio channel has to be seen in the context of the positive developments towards a permanent peace in the country, which commenced with the signing of the MOU between the Government and the LTTE on the 22nd of February 2002. It represents an important step in the transformation of the LTTE into a political grouping within the mainstream of the Sri Lankan political system.

The public will appreciate that the willingness of the LTTE to submit themselves to the authority of the Government in this manner is a 180 degree change from that which prevailed in the earlier period when the LTTE ran an unauthorised and illegal radio operation termed the Voice of Tigers.

It is also well-known that the LTTE have had radio and even TV transmission facilities of their own in some countries abroad.

The equipment for the setting up of the radio broadcasting facility was purchased by the LTTE in Singapore and a list of the items to be imported by sea on the vessel MV Kota Tegop due in Colombo on 17th October was also made known to the Government. The equipment purchased, and to be imported, was reported as follows;

FM Transmitter US$

1. FM Transmitter plus backup transmitter – 52,600.00

2. FM Antenna (4 boxes) 2 – 18,000.00

3. RDS Audio 1 – 800.00

4. MPS Clipper/Generator 1 – 3,850.00

5. VMC 1 – 4,000.00

6. Antenna Cable 1 – 2,600.00

Edit Room

1. Mixing console 1 – 750.00

2. CD Player 1 – 560.00

3. MD Recorder 1 – 906.00

4. Microphone 1 – 595.00

5. Microphone Holder 1 – 95.00

6. Microphone Processor 1 – 2,275.00

7. Patch Panel 2 – 880.00

8. Loud Speaker 2 – 920.00

9. Headphones 2 – 300.00

10.Technology furniture 1 – 1,800.00

11.Cabling 1 – 1,500.00

93,265.00

12.VSAT communication unit 1 – 25,000.00

The consignment on arrival at the Customs was inspected by a technical team appointed by the Ministry of Defence, consisting of the following government experts:

Upali Arambewela (Additional Director General Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation)

A. Gunawardena (Group Captain – Director Electronics & Telecommunications – Sri Lanka Air Force)

Brig. Y. S. A. de Silva (Director Signals – Sri Lanka Army)

R. D. Somasiri (Advisor, Ministry of Mass Communications)

The Technical team has confirmed that the FM transmitter equipment in the consignment can be used for FM broadcasting and radio data transmission. A few technical observations made by the Team are being conveyed to the LTTE Peace Secretariat for compliance.

Following the Technical Evaluation, the Ministry of Defence confirmed that it had no technical or security objection in agreeing to the issue of a licence, provided the Sri Lanka Telecommunication Regulatory Commission allocated a frequency that did not in anyway interfere with the communication frequencies currently used by the Security Forces.

On the 27th of November, Ministry of Mass Communication informed the Secretary Defence that the operation of the broadcasting transmitter which has been cleared by the inspection committee would not cause any interference to the existing radio transmission network of the security forces.

It was said that the Transmitter has been designed to operate within the frequency band of 87 MHz to 109 MHz in the FM band and that the output power is 1 Kw. It was also mentioned by the Ministry of Mass Communication that the Transmitter output power of other licensed broadcasting agencies/companies was well above 1 Kw.

On 9th December, the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission made its determination about the fees payable for the frequency assigned to the LTTE Peace Secretariat. The details of this are as follows:

1. Frequency assignment fee for 12 months – Rs. 22,500

2. Licence fee and power charges – Rs. 45,000 to be paid after the test transmissions are in order.

3. Yearly licence and power charges – Rs. 45,000 payable yearly to the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission – (TRCSL)

The TRCSL has made the suggestion that while it notes that the transmissions are to be in the Tamil language, the people are to get an all round exposure it would be appropriate to introduce programmes in the English and Sinhala languages too since this would enhance the end result of the peace efforts.

2.Whether the security implications for the country were safeguarded by the authorities in the importation of the equipment.

The procedures described above after the consignment was received in the country and in particular, the detailed inspection of the items by the Technical Evaluation team consisting of high ranking military officials, while they were under the custody of the Customs , would indicate that the consignment contained only equipment for the FM Transmitter and no lethal material of any kind which could be harmful to the security of the country. The consignment as noted above, also contained VSAT telecommunication equipment which had been cleared earlier under licence by the TRCSL. Details regarding the VSAT equipment are given in the answer to question 3 below.

As a further precaution that no material other than the FM Transmitter accessories would be delivered to the Peace Secretariat at Kilinochchi, the Ministry of Defence arranged for the consignment to be packed and sealed and dispatched to Kilinochchi under Police escort.

3. The implications security-wise of the VSAT communication equipment acquired by the LTTE The VSAT equipment in the consignment received by the LTTE Secretariat in Singapore is unconnected to the FM Transmission equipment and relates to LTTE’s expressed need for data and voice communication abroad. This is apparently necessitated due to the Peace Talks being mostly conducted abroad. A public switch telephone network was only made available in the Vanni recently.

As a matter of interest it should be mentioned that VSAT approval had been granted by the TRCSL to the following operators: SLT, Lanka Bell, Suntel Lanka Internet Services, Eureka Online Pvt Ltd., Lanka Global (Access Towers), World Bank, Sir Arthur C. Clarke and the SLIDA Distance Learning centre, in all 16 authorised VSAT operators. In addition, it is well known that there are several unauthorised VSAT terminals being operated in various locations.

There is therefore no reason for speculation that the VSAT terminal which has now been licensed by the TRCSL will pose any particular security threat to Sri Lanka.

4. Clearance of the consignment and the role of the Norwegian Embassy

Following the original application by the Secretary General LTTE Peace Secretariat for a licence to operate a FM radio station, a request was received from the LTTE for the consignment to be cleared duty free.

Exemption from taxation of any kind, including VAT, was sought since the LTTE urged it was for a purpose associated with the peace process. After consideration by the Ministry of Finance, the LTTE Peace Secretariat was informed that this request could not be granted since no exemptions on duty or VAT were being permitted by the Government in any instance.

It was in these circumstances that the facilitator of the peace process – the Embassy of Norway in Sri Lanka – was approached by the Government (SCOPP) to attempt to resolve the issue. It must be emphasised that the LTTE had no part in the matter and that Norway was consulted at this point regarding a resolution of the impasse, solely by the Government. Norway acting as the consignee was also important in terms of the security verification of the consignment. If the Defence Ministry evaluation was adverse, the consignment was to be sent back to the port of origin. If the clearance was granted, the consignment was to be handed over to SCOPP who in turn were to hand it over to the LTTE Peace Secretariat.

The Norwegian Government, in terms of its Agreement with the Sri Lankan Government has agreed to finance the setting up of institutional mechanisms to take forward the peace process. Norwegian assistance of over Rs. 12 million as an initial contribution to the setting up of the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) has been one such initiative.

Given the interest of the Government, the Norwegian Embassy agreed to act as the consignee for the equipment. This was done on the understanding that the goods would immediately be taken over by SCOPP. This was done in accordance with the existing agreement between the two governments on such projects as SCOPP.

The Embassy also agreed that the Agreement relating to the Norwegian contribution to SCOPP would permit such funds to be utilized for reimbursement to the Ministry of Finance of any loss of revenue, if required.

Finally it need to be underlined that the equipment was consigned to the Embassy not as diplomatic cargo.

The Embassy assistance in the importation was as a contribution to the peace process.

This facilitated the above mentioned technical evaluation and clearing of the goods by SCOPP, who in turn handed over the goods to a representative of the LTTE Peace Secretariat who accompanied the goods under Police escort to the Vanni.

Source – (Daily News – 2002-12-28)

Norway Interfering in the Internal Affairs of Sri Lanka By K.T.Rajasingham

Norway is interfering in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka. Jon Westborg, the Ambassador of Norway in Sri Lanka, it is alleged that, he is behaving like a “Viceroy”. We are hearing these allegations repeatedly for the last six to eight months. But since of late, people in the highest echelons of Sri Lankan politics are making these allegations at regular intervals and it begins to resonate loudly throughout the length and breadth of the country. We can’t simply ignore these allegations. It cannot be simply bypassed by saying that these are unsubstantiated allegations made by Sinhalese chauvinists. But now, the ongoing peace process is all about living together with these so called Sinhala chauvinists in a united Sri Lanka.

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has made it clear that, “LTTE does not operate with the concept of a ‘Separate State’. “We operate with a concept of ‘Homeland and self determination’. ‘Homeland’ does not mean a separate state as such.” This statement of the LTTE reminds us of the future coexistence with the Sinhalese in a united Sri Lanka. Therefore, it has become incumbent on the part of every peace loving Sri Lankan, to examine these allegations carefully and seriously.

I was one of those first persons to welcome the Norwegian facilitation efforts. On 2 March 2000, I wrote Norwegian initiated Peace Negotiation is on Course. I initially welcome the Norwegians when Chandrika Kumaratunga, the President of Sri Lanka invited them as facilitators in the peace process.

Sri Lankan President in an interview recently has emphasized, “I invited Norwegian mediation, as there was no alternative. The northeast issue needed to be tackled by political means. I genuinely believed in the Norwegians.”

She stressed emphasis on those words, “I genuinely believed in the Norwegians.” Now what happened? Gradually, the confidence placed on the Norwegians began to erode as they were alleged with lopsided identification with the Liberation Tigers.

Earlier there was an article in “The Island” which wrote, “According to reliable Indian newspaper reports, the Cease-fire Agreement had been drafted by Solheim, a close friend of the Balasinghams, who had marched on the streets of Norway and Europe for the LTTE, along with a Norwegian Foreign Ministry official and the Balasinghams.” These and other statements identifying Norwegians with close links with the LTTE poses the question on the credibility of the so called impartiality of the Norwegian facilitators.

Norway’s role as an impartial facilitator is brought under scrutiny and it was announced that Norway is no longer an impartial player in facilitating the peace process in Sri Lanka. It is alleged that Norway a country brought to facilitate peace in Sri Lanka, has began to interfere in the internal affairs of the Sri Lanka. The allegation was made by no less a person than Chandrika Kumaratunga, President of Sri Lanka and also substantiated by Lakshman Kadirgamar the former Foreign Minister and at present, the Advisor to the Sri Lankan President.

Whether there is any substance in the allegation made by the President of Sri lanka is not an important factor. The important thing is that the President of the country strongly believes that Norway is interfering in the internal affairs of the country and she has made this allegation publicly. Norway cannot say that we have not heard the criticism made by the Sri Lankan President, because it was made so loud and clear and it resonated in the national and international print and electronic media. Therefore, Norwegian Prime Minister must come forward to clear his country’s position.

President of Sri Lanka is not an ordinary person for the Royal Norway Government to ignore her allegations. The President is constitutionally the Head of the state, and not the Prime Minister. In the Sri Lankan Constitution, Prime Minister has no place, but he is only another minister appointed by the President.

Recently, Ranil Wickremesinghe told Parliament that Parliament is the supreme body of the country and all should safeguard the powers of Parliament.”

But in reality, Parliament is not so long remains supreme, as the President has the constitutional authority to dissolve the Parliament, one year after the elections without assigning reasons. As it is, anything might happen to the Parliament after 5 December 2002, on which date falls the first anniversary of the present parliament.

Therefore, the Norwegian Government should understand that the Head of State was elected on a different election platform and she would continue to remain in her position as President until the end of the year 2005 and she has the authority to dissolve the present Parliament anytime she desires, after 5 December 2005. Therefore, Norway should come to terms with the seriousness of the President’s allegations and Norway is duty bound make an explanation regarding those specific allegations made by the President of Sri Lanka.

Recently in an interview, Chandrika Kumaratunga was asked: “Why did you call off a scheduled meeting with deputy Norwegian Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen? Was it a protest against the Norwegians? ”

She told, “They (Norwegian Embassy) sought a last minute meeting as they had to change their plans to suit Anton Balasingham’s schedule. No it was not in protest. But I do not agree with the way the Norwegians handle the peace process. Obviously they have gone beyond their mandate. Not only them. Some other countries too were of the view that there is no harm in creating a separate state in the northeast if it brings peace. They justify their stance by giving all sorts of reasons. But when war breaks out again next time it will be between two countries. It would be frightening even to think about it.”

This reply of the President reflects how the Norwegian Embassy has offended her. An Embassy should be aware of the diplomatic protocols. They should have given the topmost priority to the Head of the State instead of an ex-sub editor of a Tamil newspaper turned Advisor of a Tamil militant organization, which now solicit and seeks to co-exist with a country to which Chandrika Kumaratunge would remain as the Head of State till the end of the year 2005.

Unfortunately, regarding the role of Norway in Sri Lanka, there is numerous rumours – confirmed and unconfirmed and are allowed to float. It was unfortunate that Norway has not come forward to clear these rumours, in some way or other and explain the real position of Norway

Questions are being asked of the role played by Norway in Anton Balasingham and Adele Balasingham’s escapade from Vanni to “a bustling and enterprising capital city of a South East Asian nation,” where when they arrived in one of the LTTE ships, were illegal entrants and also of their subsequent flight of London from that city? Who facilitated their flight to London when they were illegal entrants in the so called “bustling and enterprising capital city of a South East Asian nation.” What was the role Norway played in that episode? According to people involved in arranging the flight to London, they have told that Norwegian diplomats played an important role in making the flight arrangements of Balasinghams to London. Those people from that city expressed their wish to remain anonymous for fear of retribution by the LTTE.

Furthermore, according to Adele Balasingham, “Mr.Erik Solheim, Mr. Wegger Strommen – the former State Secretary in the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, Mr.Jon Westborg – Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo and Ms Kjersti Tromsdal – Executive Officer, met Anton Balasingham in London and offered free medical treatment in Norway. According to Adele Balasingham’s book “The Will to Freedom,” Balasingham was given free treatment in Oslo. Furthermore according to reliable sources all the expenses of Anton Balasinggham, medication as well as personal are taken care by Norway.. The suspicion goes on that it was more than the humanitarian consideration.

To make matters worse, with the view to soften the vigorous opposition forthcoming from the People Alliance Party, the Norwegian Government has invited the PA legislators and members for a study tour to Oslo. But Chandrika Kumaratunga, the leader of the PA has turned down the invitation as an expression of her displeasure over what she sees as the growing tendency by Norway to interfere in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka.

In the President’s opinion the Norwegian government appears to be stepping beyond its original role. Already, President Kumaratunga expressed her concern over what she sees as the Norwegian government’s increasing interference in internal matters, when Norway’s Ambassador John Westborg met her last week to brief her on the second session of the peace talks in Thailand.

We already had earlier one Viceroy – J.N.Dixit, the former Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, who negotiated with Prabhakaran face to face, , initially for an interim Provincial Council for the North and East, after the signing of the Indo- Sri Lanka Agreement in July 1987.

Dixit – Viceroy No:1 of Sri Lanka ,who studied Prabhakaran thoroughly said in a statement regarding the present Norwegian initiated peace talks : “Meanwhile, as always, Prabhakaran shies away from being a direct participant in the negotiations. He keeps the option of deniability open to the maximum extent possible.” A statement worth noting.

Recently we were told of the existence of Viceroy No: 2, by Mangala Samaraweera, Chief Opposition Whip. When Objecting to a comment attributed to Westborg that the recent Colombo High Court verdict, sentencing the LTTE leader, V. Prabhakaran, to a 200-year jail term, could have “torpedoed” the peace process, Mangala Samaraweera, said at a press conference that, the Ambassador should “stop behaving as if he is the Viceroy of Sri Lanka.

(Date : 2002-11-17)

Suspected LTTE gunmen kill former Lankan MP by PK Balachanddran

Suspected LTTE gunmen on Tuesday shot dead Kingsley Rasanayagam, a former MP from Batticaloa district, known to have been a protégé of the dissident LTTE commander, Col Karuna.

Reliable sources told Hindustan Times that Rasanayagam was killed at about 6.30 pm at Kalviyankadu near Batticaloa town in Eastern Sri Lanka.

Rasanayagam, a retired manager of a bank, was put up by Karuna in the April 2004 Sri Lankan parliamentary elections as a candidate of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (also known as the Tamil National Alliance). Due to Karuna’s influence, he came second in terms of preferential votes.

But Rasanayagam had to resign from the party list of MPs because in Batticaloa district, power had passed from the hands of Karuna to Prabhakaran, the leader of the mainstream LTTE. A Prabhakaran loyalist took Rasanayagam’s place in the list.

Tamil sources said that Rasanayagam was killed because he might become an important organizer of Karuna’s new political party called the Tamil Eela Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (Tamil Eelam Peoples’ Liberation Tigers).

(www.hindustantimes.com – 2004/10/19 )

Suspected LTTE gunmen kill former Lankan MP by PK Balachanddran (Colombo, October 19)

Suspected LTTE gunmen on Tuesday shot dead Kingsley Rasanayagam, a former MP from Batticaloa district, known to have been a protégé of the dissident LTTE commander, Col Karuna.

Reliable sources told Hindustan Times that Rasanayagam was killed at about 6.30 pm at Kalviyankadu near Batticaloa town in Eastern Sri Lanka.

Rasanayagam, a retired manager of a bank, was put up by Karuna in the April 2004 Sri Lankan parliamentary elections as a candidate of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (also known as the Tamil National Alliance). Due to Karuna’s influence, he came second in terms of preferential votes.

But Rasanayagam had to resign from the party list of MPs because in Batticaloa district, power had passed from the hands of Karuna to Prabhakaran, the leader of the mainstream LTTE. A Prabhakaran loyalist took Rasanayagam’s place in the list.

Tamil sources said that Rasanayagam was killed because he might become an important organizer of Karuna’s new political party called the Tamil Eela Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (Tamil Eelam Peoples’ Liberation Tigers).