Tiger ‘Brass’ spills the beans

Tiger leaders and cadres who surrendered during the final stages of the Wanni battle, are spilling the beans on their secretive organisation, and helping security forces recover more and more arms caches

On information elicited by Intelligence, the armed forces were able to unearth more heavy weapons and other items in the last LTTE stronghold throughout this week. Even Tiger leaders who fought until the last are fast volunteering information.

They have disclosed to Military Intelligence hitherto unknown details of the fledgling Tiger air wing. As a result, the Intelligence Unit attached to 56 Division, was able to get hold of pictures of the Tiger air wing leaders and recover important documents from Vellamullaivaikkal.

Dwaraka’s end

Details of Prabakaran’s daughter, Dwaraka’s death, so far unknown, were also disclosed by a ‘top’ Tiger.
Dwaraka had been with the ‘Sodia’ regiment along with other female cadres during the final battle in Vellamullaivaikkal, when she was killed by artillery fire, and they had performed her last rites in the same area.

According to this informant, she died on May 12, 2009, around 9:30 am. Before her death she had been made a ‘Lt. Col.’ of that regiment by the Tiger leader, to the utter dismay of its members, though they had not outwardly shown their disapproval.
Surrendees and POWs

General Sarath Fonseka disclosed that about 22,000 terrorists were killed and about 10,000 captured during the battles for Tiger fortresses in Wanni. He made this announcement during the launch of the book “The Final Great Wanni Battle”, by this writer, at the National Library and Documentation Services Board on Wednesday.

Of the 10,000 Tiger cadres captured by the security forces, 9,000 have been sent for rehabilitation, while steps are being taken to prosecute the balance 1,000. Those to be brought before the law are those who did not surrender, but taken into custody while hiding in welfare camps as IDPs. Among them are senior cadres who have served the organisation for 15 to 16 years, the Army Commander said.

Human cost of war

Although this victory is outwardly seen as one won with ease, but in fact was won with much dedication and sacrifice of life. “This victory cost the lives of 5,200 of my soldiers, while 19,000 others were wounded”, the Commander recalled.

Explaining the inside story that made the Wanni victory possible, he said that due to the President handling the political aspects without blemish and the President and Secretary of Defence giving the necessary backup and correct leadership, he was able to successfully lead his men to victory, and “nobody can challenge our success”.

Hunt for ‘rogue’ Tigers

The forces are now involved in taking on the few LTTE stragglers still haunting the jungles of the East. A few of the Infantry battalions that fought in Wanni battles and small contingents of Commandos and Special Forces are engaged in this final search operation for Tiger terrorists. This could be the end of the road for remaining terrorist leaders like Ram, Nagulan and others known to be in Yala, Buttala and Kandjikudichchiyaru jungles.

On the July 3, Mohandas, leader of Kirankulam in the East, was shot and caught while trying to escape across the Kirankulam lagoon. A soldier on the security ring died, while two others were wounded in this clash. This is the first death of a soldier since the death of Prabhakaran on May 19. Mohandas, a ‘Lt. Col.’, had been earlier assigned the task of crippling life in the East and South.

An air ticket, money and a cyanide capsule was found on him. It is suspected that his plan was to escape to a foreign country and get his family down later. Military Intelligence has been entrusted with the task of tracking down such remaining Tiger cadres in the East.

Meanwhile, an operation to disarm armed gangs in the East, was also launched under the leadership of DIG Edison Gunatillaka, who warned the gangs that none other than the forces are licensed to carry arms. Therefore, he reiterated that they should hand over their weapons while the going was good.
The disarming of the Jihadists and other armed Muslim extremists will be undertaken in this operation, along with those armed cadres that earlier aligned with Pillaiyan and Karuna

Clearance and resettlement

Meanwhile, Gen. Sarath Fonseka undertook a tour of Wanni this week to assess the requirements for implementing future forward field requirements.

Accordingly, by December, the west of the A-9 (Kandy-Jaffna) will be resettled by its former inhabitants.
The de-mining in the Madhu region and 10 liberated villages in the Weli Oya area is being carried out at present and will be resettled no sooner the tasks are completed. With the resettlement of people west of A-9 in Pooneryn and Mannar, the A-32 supply route is scheduled to be reopened next.

Deployment

Lt. Col. Kithsiri Liyanage who commanded 7 Sinha Regiment with distinction during Wanni battles, has been appointed Commander 67-2 Brigade under Task Force VII. This Brigade is scheduled to be stationed at Elephant Pass. Col. Hemantha Karanaratne has been made Commander 66-2 Brigade, which is scheduled to be based in Pooneryn.

Five Brigadiers promoted Majors General

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has approved the promotion of five Brigadiers to the rank of Major General this week. They are Military Planning Director Brig. Mahesh Senanayaka, Presidential Security Chief Brig. Jagath Alwis, Commander 22 Division Brig. Janaka Walgama, Financial Director General of the Army Brig. H.L. Weeratunga and Quartermaster General Brig. L.R. Wijetunga.

(The Nation)

THEY ALLEGEDLY HELPED 500 TIGERS TO FLEE

Two senior LTTE leaders, who are alleged to have helped more than 500 Tiger cadres to escape from Trincomalee and then to leave the country during the height of the military operations, were arrested by the Batticaloa police.

Police said Mutukumar Alageswaran and Thangarasa Thayalan had rented out two houses in Batticaloa to provide accommodation to LTTE cadres fleeing Trincomalee and later sent them abroad.

They said the two cadres had transported the escapees to Colombo in a Van before sending them to West Asian countries through a Foreign Employment Agency in Borella using money provided by the LTTE. Police said the Van which had been sold to a businessman in Kandy was also found by the police.

Return of the Colombians by Gomin Dayasiri

All those in Colombo are not Colombians. It is only the superficial superlatives; some Colombians have sprung like jack in the box to become ardent Mahindians. There are still many in Colombo who stand on principle, refined to the core, constructively critical, tolerating no nonsense. Colombians come -lately with giddy minds, in search of upward mobility proselytized in their hunt to be associated with the winner looking for  possible advancement in silence or in secret, have made the over night crossing. It is a passing phenomenon. They will soon return to base.Yet Colombo at large is out of place in Sri Lanka. Out of Colombo, for them, is a mere place for a week end, for fun and relaxation. They go out to the sea and safari, cooler climes and green fairways, cut price hotels and country homes.

They fail to understand the mood and temperament of the rest of the country and still more, of its people. Like those marketing executives given a product to sell, reaches only the urban markets – due to infinite lack of local insight. Or enter a theatre to watch a comedy but cannot laugh if the joke is on them-fail to realise they are the laughing stock.

“Times are a changing” sang Bobby Dylan. So is with the Colombo Man. Far worse is the Colombo Woman. Not only is she looking at changing times, hopeful more of changing fortunes.

Many of the Hundred Sisters that signed the petition are observing an oath of silence or hoping for a place for their husbands. Doves of Peace have become Men of War. Those who alleged human rights violations before the end of the war speak of the gallantry of the Forces after the war. Many who searched for NGO types or embassy sort to rub shoulders at functions reach for uniformed kind in service or in retirement.

Fortunes favour those in retirement from the services in the Forces more than those in active service. Without restrictions or responsibilities they can spin more yarns.

An anthology of war stories- fact or fiction- is a crowd puller. Suddenly there is much demand for ex- military men for conversation, to entertain guests and to pick supposedly sensitive fantasy material for onward transmission by the Colombians to display their own importance.

Everybody knows somebody in the Forces, especially the society ladies. (“I know a Major, who told me how Prabha was hunted down. He was in that group, child!”) .

Indeed some know more of the war than those who fought it to entertain Colombo society. The moment has come for recruitment as consultant-entertainer for old soldiers.

No longer ago are they deemed violators of human rights, worse than the dirty dozen because the Colombians carry purification packs for instant cleansing, to suit their laundering. They need it more than any other.

Society Colombo is the noisy local Barmy Army or Wavy Navy as they are now, so ‘in’ with the Forces. Not long ago, calling themselves “Sri Lanka First” they held hands on the streets of Colombo, to stop the War and smoke peace pipes with Prabhakaran. Times are indeed changing –Prabhakaran is no longer in the talking vocabulary and the glories of the LTTE are a self imposed prohibition. How did these household phrases for 20 years extolled at length, fade so fast?

That is Colombo. From mantelpiece to dustbin the distance is short and the memory still shorter.

The Old Boys in the boardrooms with their hang over colonial neurosis, indoctrinated by the BBC wave length, converted after listening to the gospel of the peace missionaries who preached for their own benefit, aping the phrases of passing western humanitarians never imagined the end of the LTTE.

These opinion makers who change their tune according to the weather vane from the chambers of the private sector, merchants of fame and fortune, professionals of repute and standing convinced themselves, it is a war that cannot be won and the LTTE has to be appeased by talking peace.

That was the manufactured public opinion of Colombo which percolated to the influential politicians they sponsored, like those in Chandrika’s celebrated diners club.

Their misplaced philosophy delayed the defeat of LTTE by 25 years. Colombians have to take the blame for having lived with a nightmare they fabricated, by being disoriented and perplexed; misleading and misinforming themselves. Worse, make it infectious like swine flu.

Those captains lived in a strange planet among themselves by themselves. Their junior bimbos were compelled to follow suit. If industry or commerce suffered blame thyself more than another.

It is time the private sector despatches those old boys and birds to a sin bin wearing caps titled dunce and for an emerging enlightened intelligentsia with social consciousness take the helm, alive to the mood of the nation and not only of the capital. Colombo badly needs a new coat of paint and a breath of fresh air.

So many had to pay a heavy price; of so few being silly and stupid. Many watched in aghast at the antics of their superiors or contemporaries. They were compelled to be the silent minority.

To oppose was to incur wrath and dubbed a ‘nationalist’ or ‘extremist’ or ‘patriot’ or ‘war monger’. It was the Bush Principle: You are with us or against us! Bush was better- the ‘us’ he meant was his country; for the Colombians it was not the country or city but their silly selves.

Colombians deemed they were living in a Failed State because the International Community so said; local NGO intellectuals so preached. These Failed Fellows worshipped any altar or followed any gospel that ridiculed the country.

In mind and soul for style and show they portrayed themselves as a white man with a black name. They failed to pass the reality test that the so called Failed State has performed better than the so called Successful States in dealing with terrorism.

A country that lived on the grandeur of the past is now living on the glory of its present but celebrating beyond limits of tolerance and indulging in thanksgivings beyond forbearance.

Not only are Times changing, as said in the song, changes must come with Time.

If the old firm of disgraced dignitaries cannot walk hand with hand with the rest of the country and still desire Britannica to rule over our waves, they must be despatched to their drinking clubs or be nominated as candidates to the Constitutional Council – both comfortable homes for the aged to while their time.

They have let the country down and let them walk the plank of shame. It is take-over time for the emerging young after the last generation had led them astray.

The finest hour of Sri Lanka was reached by the sweat toil and blood of the state sector by the children in the wilderness.

Colombians contribution has been the participation in the celebrations or talking loud after the event; Colombians cannot show any other input or effort.

Did any die fighting the war coming from an International School?  There were yet many as individuals in personal capacity that did much within their might but away from the knowledge of their principals who listened more to their foreign principals. Listen to the Colombian talk; during the war and after the war- to learn of the twist and turns of the flexible Colombo doctrine.

How Prabhakaran went down in Nanthi Kadal – the last battleground by H. L. D. Mahindapala

“All this pomp and glory were short-lived. In the last days when the forces were closing in on Prabhakaran none of them was there to hold his hand. He was a lonely man on the run, hunted by the Sri Lankan forces. “

Right opposite the rusting and cannibalized hull of Farah 3, the Egyptian ship pirated by the Tamil Tigers, a monument is rising now from the sandy beach in Vellamullivaikkal to mark the historic event of May 16, 2009 – the day when the two divisions, 58 and 59, that advanced from the south and the north met, clearing the entire northern and eastern coastline of the last vestiges of Tiger threats to the territorial integrity and national sovereignty. In short, it meant that the military ring of the Security Forces had come full circle, covering every inch of the coastline, and closed all possible routes for Velupillai Prabhakaran to escape via the sea in the east.

This was the first step of the triangular trap closing in on Prabhakaran. The second step was the clearing of Tamil hostages held by Prabhakaran as a human shield. He was still holding a section of the Tamils as hostage — a serious obstacle to the advance of the forces determined to avoid civilian casualties. On the 16th morning the forces began their operations to clear the last of the hostages held by Prabhakaran. He too had no option but to let the people go because he was preparing to escape himself. This time he could not run by dragging the people to follow him. By the morning of the 17th the forces had cleared the hostages and they were free to confront the Tigers cadres without fear of collateral damage to the civilians.

The third major wing of the triangle was the results of the Indian elections announced on May 16. It blasted all his hopes of a rescue operation from his allies abroad, particularly India – the last refuge of desperate Prabhakaran on the run. The victory of the United Progressive Alliance of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh announced on May 16 blighted all hopes of any Indian intervention rushing to lift him out of his hideout in the sliver of land between the sea and the Nanthi Kadal (Nanthi Lagoon).

In his interview with President Mahinda Rajapakse the Editor of The Hindu, N. Ram, stated that the Tamils were expecting Prabhakaran to execute “a daring counter attack” at the last moment. In fact, D. B. S. Jeyaraj, who was quoted by Ram, was expecting Prabhakaran to do a Dunkirk – the place where the Allied Forces paused in World War II to recover and launch a massive counter-attack. The Tamil who had pinned their faith in Prabhakaran’s capacity to rise from the ashes like Phoenix refused to believe that the winner of previous battles could lose in the last encounter. They were expecting him to a pull a military rabbit out of his hat.

The Tamils were like Erik Solheim who thought that Prabhakaran was “a military genius”. They firmly believed that even at the last minute he could turn tables on the Sri Lankan Forces. In fact Solheim, who was sucked in by the yarns spun to him by Anton Balasingham, told President Rajapaksa around March 2006: “Prabhakaran is a military genius. I have seen him in action….” The President said: “He is from the jungles of the North. I am from the jungles of the South. Let’s see who will win!” (Lalith Weeratunga, at the President’s interview with Ram.)

Of course, by May 2009 Prabhakaran was virtually a dead man walking. He was fighting with his back to wall with depleted forces and material. He had lost all the strategic territory he held to launch a serious counter-attack. He had no external or internal force, or land to fall back. The power of his military bases spread out in 15,000 square kilometers had dwindled to 4 square kilometers in a sandy stretch in the neck of Jaffna. Worst of all, he had no strategy to launch a counter-attack and fight his way out. He was trapped in the tiny stretch of land between the sea in the east and the lagoon in the west with no viable exit plan.

President Rajapaksa summed it up precisely when he told Ram: “They (the Tigers) selected the best place for them: on one side the sea, then the lagoon, and there was a small strip. But then it was not they who actually selected the place: they ‘selected’ it but the armed forces made them go there. The No-Fire Zones were all announced by the armed forces. After Kilinochchi, they were saying: “No-Fire Zones, so go there.” So all of them [the LTTE leaders and fighters] went there. These were not areas demarcated by the U.N. or somebody else; they were demarcated by our armed forces. The whole thing was planned by our forces to corner them. The Army was advancing from North to South, South to North, on all sides. So I would say they got cornered by our strategies.”

The Dunkirk expected by the Tamils turned out to be a Dumb-kirk.

May 16 was the decisive day when the national and international forces closed in, once and for all, to seal the fate of doomed Prabhakaran.

After these three fateful events locked in – 1) meeting of 58 and 59 division closing any escape route by the sea, 2) the disappointing results of the Indian election, and 3) the freeing of the last of the Tamil hostages — the last hope for Velupillai Prabhakaran,who was holed up in the place where the Army wanted him to be, was to find an escape route by wading across the water-logged Nanthi Kadal sandwiched in the neck of Jaffna between the sea in the east and the Mullativu jungle in the west.

Faced with the grim realities of May 16 he had to make a quick get away, avoiding the watchful eyes of the Security Forces who were posted at critical points on the escape routes leading to the Mullativu jungle. At this stage he was reduced to a man who could run but not hide or survive. It was too late for him. The Forces had anticipated his moves and were waiting for him to get out of the hole in which he was trapped. He was in a no-win situation with all hopes of any one of the actively involved foreign sources – particularly, Erik Solheim, or David Milliband, or, better still, a new Indian government favourable to the Tigers emerging victorious from the elections – fading out of his radar screen. Contrary to Prabhakaran’s expectations there was none rushing to intervene and save him at the eleventh hour.

As stated by Lalith Weeratunga at the interview: “Kilinochchi was captured on the 1st of January 2009. And the whole operation was over on the 19th of May. So there was ample time [for them to get away].” (The Hindu – July 7 2009)

But Prabhakaran miscalculated his tactical moves ever since he lost in Mavil Aru in July 2006. He deluded himself by saying that he was making “a tactical withdrawal” each time he lost territory. Eventually he led the biggest “tactical withdrawal” known in military history, dragging his cadres with him into the cold waters of Nanthi Kadal – the last battleground.

The Tamil Tiger leadership, which announced over Melbourne Radio from Vanni that they would eat the Sri Lankan forces alive for dinner if they dared to step into Killinochchi, was in total disarray not knowing which way to turn, or which source to tap to save trapped Prabhakaran and the last of his Tigers.

Erik Solheim confessed to BBC Hard Talk (June 13, 2009) that he was contacted by Tamil Tiger agents abroad to save Prabhakaran. But after Solheim had discredited himself by playing the partisan role of siding with his boozing buddy Anton Balasingham, he had ceased to be a credible figure for any rescue mission. Besides, he had no status because the Sri Lankan government, by this time, had kicked him out as a reliable negotiator. His past sins had caught up with him like the way the karmic forces had returned to catch up with Prabhakaran.

Earlier, David Milliband, the British Foreign Minister and Bernard Kouchner, the French Foreign Minister, rolled in, somewhat like the hit men of the Tamil diaspora, to save Prabhakaran. But Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the no-nonsense and daring Defence Secretary, who stood his ground firmly, sent the two foreign ministers back to the caves from where they came.

In a desperate bid K. Pathmanathan, the arms procurer appointed as Prabhakaran’s sole representative abroad, contacted Western journalists to send messages to George Brown, British Prime Minister, and President Obama. While the leadership in exile were on their knees begging for mercy from Western powers the misguided Tamil diaspora, who believed (mistakenly) that they had the electoral numbers to force the Sri Lankan government to obey their will by demonstrating in streets of Toronto, London, Paris, Melbourne and Sydney, discovered to their horror that they were merely whistling in the wind with no power to manipulate the powerful Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka.

When Prabhakaran waded into the waters of Nanthi Kadal gingerly on the 18th night he would have known that the international leverage he had at the peak of his power, when he held the “military balance” claiming parity of status with the Sri Lankan government, had vanished into thin air. In Phuket and in Geneva Anton Balasingham was arrogantly flaunting the power of their “military balance” gained under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s failed Ceasefire Agreement.

Under the patronage of Ranil Wickremesinghe the Tigers had reached the peak of politico-military power. They were riding high in Phuket where the first of the many rounds of peace talks began. Vidar Helgesen, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Norway, was solemnly addressing Anton Balasingham as “Your Excellency”. Erik Solheim, bamboozled by the spin of Anton Balasingham, was bending over backwards to elevate him to a status of a head of state-in-waiting in the Vanni. The late Lasantha Wickrematunga, the Editor of The Leader, wearing his other hat of an apparatchik of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government, was cozying up to Balasingham in Phuket and Geneva to get exclusives to boost the claims of the triumphant Tigers.

But all this pomp and glory were short-lived. In the last days when the forces were closing in on Prabhakaran none of them was there to hold his hand. He was a lonely man on the run, hunted by the Sri Lankan forces. There were no diplomats queuing up to meet him as in the days when he was in command of Killinochchi, through the blessings of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the gutless wonder of Sri Lankan politics. On the contrary, they were sending messages urging him to surrender and spare the Tamils whom he was holding as hostage. He was internationally ostracized as an untouchable political pariah. The Tigers had lost the national and international goodwill that came with Wickremesinghe’s Ceasefire Agreement.

Sri Lanka tells foreign aid agencies to scale down

Sri Lanka has directed all international relief agencies, including the Red Cross, to scale down operations following the defeat of the Tamil Tiger rebels, the human rights minister said Thursday.

Mahinda Samarasinghe said the directive was not solely aimed at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) which had first revealed the order to cut back on its work.

“We have not specifically targeted the ICRC. It is something we have told all international agencies,” Samarasinghe told AFP.

“Since there is no more fighting now, we have told them and others that they should scale down their work. It is a decision we took after careful consideration,” he added.

The ICRC handled, among other things, the swapping of dead bodies of combatants and also manned entry and exit points from the rebel-held territory before it was finally overrun by government forces in mid-May.

Samarasinghe stressed that Sri Lanka still needed help from international aid agencies to carry out relief operations for some 300,000 civilians displaced by the fighting with Tamil rebels.

“What we are looking for is to add value to what we are doing,” he said. “We have told all foreign relief organisations that we will let them bring down expatriates only if they can’t find people locally to do their job.”

The ICRC said it was withdrawing expatriate staff from the battle-scarred northeast which was the focus of the final government offensive against the Tigers.

It said it would re-assess its current operations, which most recently have centered on providing relief to those displaced by the fighting and visiting captured rebels to ensure their proper treatment in custody.

“The ICRC is in the process of reviewing its set-up and operational priorities in Sri Lanka,” said Jacques de Maio, the agency’s head of operations for South Asia.

“As a first step, it will close its offices and withdraw its expatriate staff from the Eastern Province while winding down its operations in the area.

“However, the ICRC will continue its dialogue with the Sri Lankan government on issues of humanitarian concern.”

As fighting escalated in the final days of the conflict with the Tamil Tigers, the ICRC had spoken of an unfolding “humanitarian catastrophe” in the war zone amid a surge in civilian casualties.

The ICRC has had a strained relationship with the Sri Lankan government, which accused the Geneva-based charity of inciting panic over civilian deaths.

The two were also at loggerheads over the issue of camps for the displaced, with the ICRC demanding “unimpeded access” to the facilities.

Tens of thousands are currently being housed in the camps which are guarded by the military. Critics say they are being subjected to prison-like conditions.

The ICRC entered Sri Lanka in 1989 at the height of an uprising by Sinhalese militants who tried to topple the government. However, the rebellion was crushed by 1990 and the ICRC was invited to stay on as the military resumed fighting Tamil rebels.

(AFP)

Sri Lankan doctors say they exaggerated war deaths

A group of Sri Lankan doctors who have been in police custody for nearly two months were brought before the media Wednesday to recant their reports of mass civilian casualties during the final days of the civil war.

The men, who looked well-fed but nervous, denied they were withdrawing their statements under pressure from the government, even as they expressed hopes they might now be released. A rights group said there were “significant grounds to question whether these statements were voluntary.”

Their new testimony — with drastically reduced death tolls and casualty figures during shelling of civilian areas — contradicted reports from independent aid workers with the United Nations and the Red Cross who witnessed some of the violence.

The government barred journalists from the war zone and threw out most aid workers, leaving the doctors as one of the few sources of information about the toll the fighting was taking on the hundreds of thousands of civilians trapped by the final battles of the 25-year civil war here.

U.N. figures show more than 7,000 civilians were killed between January and May. Human rights groups accused the government of shelling heavily populated areas and accused the rebels of holding civilians as human shields. Satellite photos showed densely populated civilian areas had been shelled. Both sides denied the accusations.

When asked Wednesday about the doctors’ latest comments, U.N. spokesman Gordon Weiss said: “We stand by our statements.”

At the time, the doctors gave harrowing accounts of the damage and described how the vast number of wounded civilians overwhelmed their makeshift hospitals as they ran low on food, medicine, supplies and staff.

The interviews infuriated government officials, who denied the men existed, then insisted the doctors were being misquoted and finally said they were under pressure from the rebels to lie. The doctors fled the area during the final battles in mid-May and were immediately arrested and accused of spreading rebel propaganda.

On Wednesday, five doctors were brought before dozens of foreign and local media and said the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam rebels forced them to exaggerate the damage caused by the shelling and gave them lists of casualty figures to give to the media.

The rebels took medicine and food shipments sent by the government and demanded the doctors tell the media there were shortages, the men said.

“The information that I have given is false. … The figures were exaggerated due to pressure from the LTTE,” said Dr. V. Shanmugarajah.

“It’s difficult for you to believe, but it’s true,” said Dr. Thurairaja Varatharajah, who was the top health official in the war zone.

However, Sam Zarifi, the Asia-pacific director for Amnesty International, said the statements from the doctors were “expected and predicted.”

“Given the track record of the Sri Lankan government, there are very significant grounds to question whether these statements were voluntary, and they raise serious concerns whether the doctors were subjected to ill-treatment during weeks of detention,” he said. “From the time the doctors were detained, the fear was that they would be used exactly this way.”

The doctors’ new testimony contradicted other evidence from the battlefront.

They estimated Wednesday that between 650 and 750 civilians were killed between January and mid-May in the final battles of the war, a number far below that reported by the United Nations.

Varatharajah said only 600 to 650 civilians were injured from January to April 15, even though the Red Cross rescued 13,769 sick and wounded patients and their relatives from his hospital during the final months of the fighting.

On Feb. 2, Varatharajah reported that three artillery barrages hit the pediatrics ward and women’s wing of a hospital in the war zone, killing nine patients. On Wednesday, he denied the hospital had been hit.

However, the U.N. and the Red Cross, who had staff at the hospital, confirmed the attacks, the location of the strikes and the death toll. The army denied the attack.

Photos and video from the war zone showed damaged buildings and dead bodies, but none pointed to the scale of the killing.

No government officials were at the news conference at the Defense Ministry’s press center to answer questions about why the doctors were being detained, how much longer they would be held, whether they were pressured to recant and whether they would be charged with any crime.

The moderator introduced himself as a freelance journalist and two men in white shirts and ties sitting off to the side appeared to be giving him directions. When one of the doctors acknowledged he was currently imprisoned, a journalist for the state media berated him, saying he was well fed, clean shaven, wearing a tie and had a decent haircut, so he couldn’t be a prisoner.

In a telephone interview, police spokesman Ranjith Gunasekera refused to comment on what crime the doctors committed.

“Let the confidential inquiry continue, and we will give you the details later,” he said.

In a recent interview with the Indian newspaper The Hindu, Lalith Weeratunga, the powerful secretary to President Mahinda Rajapaksa made it clear the government had no intention of releasing the doctors anytime soon.

“If they go scot-free, it will set a very bad precedent,” he said.

(Associated Press)

LTTE’s grand plan emerges with discovery of weapons

Although the Sri Lanka Security Forces completely defeated the LTTE more than a month ago, more and more weapons including sophisticated weapons hidden by  Tamil Tigers still continue to be unearthed by the troops in many areas in the recently liberated Wanni as well as the east.

In the recent past, the security forces  have recovered weapons that were not even with the Sri Lanka armed forces. Most of such weapons were those used  by armed forces in countries, that possess nuclear power. As most of these weapons are recovered there is an increasing doubt   that the now defeated Tamil Tigers had more ambitions than merely  gaining   a  separate state in the north and east of Sri Lanka.

Top brass of the Sri Lanka security forces too are surprised after seeing  these sophisticated arms and the amount of military hardware recovered so far. The main objective of the Tamil Tigers, seems to have been not only a to have a separate Eelam in the North and East of Sri Lanka  but also to extend their power  beyond that.

In order to find an answer as to whether this was the real objective of the Tigers  the army has decided to get a total count of the LTTE military assets, how many weapons they had, varities of weapons, capabilities etc.

It is learnt that the security forces will  continue to search for more weapons after they obtain further information from the surrendered LTTE cadres. The military believe that more and more sophisticated weapons  would be recovered from the Wanni region and  as such most of the troops deployed in the north have  been assigned for this purpose.

Two weeks ago, the military unearthed a submarine from Vellamullivaikal area in the Mullaitivu district, where the final phase of the battle took place.

The 24-foot (7.2-metre) submersible had reportedly been used by the LTTE, most probably by their senior cadres, for clandestine sea movements before the LTTE was wiped out, the army said. It is said that several other Tiger submersibles had previously been found, but the latest device appeared to be the first one that was actually used.

This submarine had been hidden by the Tamil Tigers in order to enable the LTTE leaders to escape from the sea during the last phases  of the battle. However, it was not clear whether  this underwater craft was  fully functional and also met the requirements that operational submarines need.

However, this underwater craft had been damaged when the Sri Lanka Air Force Aircraft bombed it resulting in the Tigers hiding  it for repair and later  use. According to the LTTE cadre, who gave the clue about this underwater craft  to the military there were three more types of craft that had been buried by the LTTE in the same area during  the last few month

During the Wanni operation Task Force III soldiers found a workshop  that manufactured underwater submersible craft by the LTTE. It was the first time the troops  had found such a workshop. Since then a large number of such craft were recovered by the troops.

Although the surrendered cadres claimed that the LTTE had tested these craft underwater in the eastern seas and that several LTTE leaders including its Sea Wing Leader Soosai had participated  there was  no evidence to prove it as yet.

According to experts most of the LTTE underwater craft is designed very similar to semi submersibles used by Colombian drug traffickers. Construction of these craft are incomplete (experimental level) and has not been operated even for trials. This type of craft can be detected by radars as all parts above hatch level are above water.

However, investigations are still underway to solve these unanswered questions.

Two weeks after the recovery of the underwater craft, troops on information received , recovered another sophisticated military item-,torpedoes- that are used by the prominent navies in the world.

Two torpedoes, each 26 ft in length and 5 ft 7 inches in circumference neatly wrapped in polythene was recovered by the  troops in Puthukudiyiruppu. The torpedo’s launcher of 28 ft in length and 5 ft 10 inch in circumference had also been buried by Tamil Tigers in the vicinity to be used at an appropriate time.

The manner the torpedoes with their launcher had been safely kept underground in four different pits of about 12 ft in depth affirms the fact that Tigers were patiently marking time for an attack on a ship or any other vessel sailing in the seas. Troops found long bombs that could be exploded underwater when the vessel hits them from four different areas in the same location. One of the warheads of a torpedo had been kept separately dismantled.

During the same search, Task Force-8 troops were able to find a complete 130 mm artillery gun sans wheels, probably brought there for some clandestine missions.

Troops on Wanni Operation earlier recovered three more 130 mm barrels from the west of Puthukudiyiruppu and the northeast of Visvamadu, six 130 mm artillery guns from Puthukudiyiruppu, Anandapuram, and Mullaitivu, including two guns destroyed by the LTTE in Vellamullivaikkal.

These  are  some of the recent recoveries from the LTTE  and accordingly more and more weapons would be unearthed after further information is received from the surrendered or the captured LTTE members by the relevant state authorities.

According to experts, if the LTTE had opportunity to drag the so called Ceasefire Agreement and did not have a war situation for at least  another one year then the security forces would have had to face a completely different and very difficult situation. This is because the LTTE at that time was engaged in purchasing and importing arms and ammunition to fight against the government armed forces. If the government security forces did not carry out the war properly, by this time the LTTE could have been able to keep what they had obtained almost three years back.

Although the LTTE had enough weapons and ammunition with them they continued to purchase and smuggled weapons into the country by various means. If they had been able to unload  the ten ships with military hardware, which were destroyed by the Sri Lanka Navy in the deep seas, it could have been a completely different scenario that the government armed forces would have had to face.

The LTTE could not have brought  or purchased weapons and other military hardware or  achieved their goal without help from foreign powers. Definitely there will be at least more than one power from whom  the LTTE had received  help to achieve their purpose. The government should launch a full investigation to find out who assisted the LTTE to strengthen themselves to the extent they did.

Considering these facts it is now clear that the LTTE had its own undisclosed agenda to fight against the government forces not only to capture  the north and east and form a separate Tamil Eelam as mentioned in their propaganda campaign but it appears that it had a wider ambition. If that was so  then if the LTTE succeeded what would have been their  next step after they capture the north and east of the country?

SL to increase defence ties with France

Commander of the French Joint Forces in Indian Ocean Region Vice Admiral Gerard Valin, who was on an official visit in Sri Lanka met top defence officials to increase the defense ties between the two nations.

His arrival on June 27 on board the supply ship ‘BCR Var’ was a good -will visit, Vice Admiral Valin first met Chief of Defence Staff Donald Perera and exchanged views concerning the two nations, the armed forces and the current situation in the north and east.

Later he called on Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka on Monday at the Army Headquarters, Colombo.

The Senior French Naval Commander, was accompanied by French Ambassador Michel Lummaux during his meeting with General Sarath Fonseka and exchanged views with regard to security and matters of bilateral interest.

The Army Commander gave a detailed account on the recently concluded Wanni humanitarian operations that brought total defeat to LTTE terrorism.

On the same day the visiting Vice Admiral Valin met Navy Commander Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda  at the Naval Headquarters in Colombo.

The two officials exchanged views with regard to security and matters of bilateral interest. Admiral Karannagoda gave a detailed account of the Sri Lanka Navy’s role in the successfully concluded war on terror.

The commanding officer of the French Naval Ship ‘BCR VAR’ Captain Frederic Babin-Chevage also present at the occasion.

Later on the day, Admiral Karannagoda held a reception to the visiting French Vice Admiral at the Navy Headquarters.

Vice Admiral Valin had arrived in Sri Lanka on board the supply ship ‘BCR VAR’ When the ship left Colombo with two officers of the Sri Lanka Navy, who were  to learn and experience the life on a French Naval ship. They will stay on board till the ship reaches its next port of call, Djibouti in Somalia. This exercise is expected to strengthen the ties and broaden  cooperation between the two Navies further.

Who will be the next CDS ?

With Parliament last week enacting the post of Chief of Defence (CDS) giving  powers to the post, defence circles are now waiting to see who will be the next CDS of the country’s defence forces.

Although it is claimed that that more powers had been given to the CDS post, indirectly it gives additional powers to the Defence Ministry Secretary to control all the armed forces in the country. Some factions state that it indirectly can be called the post of  the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the country.

With the introduction of the new Act, the CDS position, which was just an appointment earlier gets legal status and will function as the head of the country’s armed forces. This was a part of the government’s 10-year re -organization plan re-organization of the armed forces.

The section (2) of the Chief of Defence Staff Act states that: “The Chief of Defence Staff shall function under the direction, supervision and control of the Secretary to the Ministry of the Minister in charge of the subject of Defence.”

However, the next question is who will be the next CDS after the retirement of current CDS Donald Perera. Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka is widely tipped to take over the new position of CDS. However, Navy Commander Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda too is there. The chances for Air Force Chief Roshan Goonetilake is rather less.

A chief of defence staff may be appointed from among the persons presently serving as commander of the army, commander of the navy or commander of the air force. This officer will relinquish his position as commander to take up position of CDS.  But as the Commander-in-Chief President has the full authorities to appoint a person from these three officers. Army Chief General Fonseka’s term is expected to end December this year, while Navy Chief Admiral Karannagoda’s term is expected to end November this year in their positions in respective forces.  According to the new CDS Act the CDS shall hold office for a term of two years, subject to the pleasure of the president, and be eligible to be reappointed for one more term of two years. The act also allows for the establishment of a committee of the chief of defence staff comprising the CDS and commanders of the army, navy and air force.

Among the other powers to the position  are;

• To assist the minister in providing for the strategic direction of the    armed forces
• To develop a doctrine for the joint employment of armed forces
• To facilitate the preparation of strategic plans for the armed forces
• To coordinate matters in respect of the functions relating tointelligence as between the armed forces
• To undertake assessments to determine the capabilities of thearmed  forces in comparison with those of their potential adversa ries
• To facilitate the preparation of operational plans for the armedforces and to coordinate the implementation of same as between

  the armed forces

• To prepare and review contingency plans relating to the armed forces
• To advise the minister on critical deficiencies and strengths in meeting national security objectives and in ensuring conformity with policy
• To advise the minister on the extent to which the programmes, recommendations and budget proposals of the armed forces for a fiscal year conform to the priorities established in relation to strategic plans
• To advise the minister on the extent to which the major programmes and policies of the armed forces relating to manpower and equipment  conform to strategic plans
• To assess military requirements as against the proposed defence procurement plans and to advise the ministry accordingly
• To facilitate the formulation of policies for peace-keeping operations by the armed forces
• To do all such other things as are required or are necessary for the implementation of the above.

Sri Lanka records first fatality after ending war

A Sri Lankan soldier was shot dead by a Tamil rebel in the island’s east, the first military fatality after the crushing of the guerrilla leadership in May, the army said on Sunday.

A Tiger rebel grabbed the gun of a soldier and opened fire as he tried to search a suspicious boat in the eastern district of Batticaloa on Saturday, the army said in a statement.

“An army soldier had spotted this suspicious boat with one man on board and tried to search it after talking to the boatman,” the statement said, adding that the man was later identified as a Tiger regional leader.

Two other soldiers opened fire and overpowered the boatman who sustained injuries and was later admitted to hospital, the army said, adding that a search was under way in the area for remnants of the defeated rebel movement.

Military officials said Saturday’s clash resulted in the first military loss of life since troops on May 18 announced the killing of the top leadership of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Security forces had killed over a dozen Tiger rebels in recent weeks in flushing out operations for remaining Tiger cadres.

The United Nations has estimated that between 80,000 and 100,000 people have been killed in Sri Lanka’s drawn out Tamil separatist conflict which the security forces declared ended in May.

Grievance, fantasy and the prerogatives of changed circumstances By Malinda Seneviratne

My friend Dayan Jayatilleka, who I believe should be more of the academic that he can be and less of the politician he is, after his excellent work in countering anti-Sri Lanka moves in the international arena, has now focused his entire energy to defending and justifying the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Dayan has not exactly written profusely on the 13th Amendment, for his articles in Sri Lankan newspapers of late are largely cannibalizations of each other; in other words he’s done a lot of cut-and-paste.

He has commented extensively on a piece I wrote in the paper two weeks ago. He has called it ‘The 13th Amendment, Indo-Lanka ties, Sovereignty’ .

I claimed that Dayan doesn’t tell us why our relations with India are predicated on the implementation of the 13th Amendment. Dayan responds by referring to a joint statement issued by the Government and a top-level Indian delegation on May 21st where the Government pledges to implement the 13th. One could say that is a tacit admission on the part of the Government that the 13th is in fact the bed rock on which Indo-Sri Lanka relations stand or will flounder. Governments, however, are not made of saints or the all-knowing (the regimes of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s predecessors are excellent examples).

As to the ‘why’ of it, Dayan points to Tamil Nadu and the 70 million Tamils in India, and tells us that the Indian ‘Centre’ will not risk alienating these people. Well, that kind of fear-mongering was quite evident in the last days of the LTTE. The Centre, it so happened, did not budge. Just two days ago, Karunanidhi was quoted as saying ‘we should not anger the Sinhalese’. So much for the compelling character of the Tamil Nadu factor! India made several mistakes with respect to Sri Lanka, beginning with training Tamil militants and ending with parippu droppings prior to the Indo-Lanka Accord. India paid a price.

Why India insists on the 13th I do not know, but if India is really interested in seeing Tamil grievances in Sri Lanka resolved, then India should understand that the 13th (or a ‘ 13th Plus’) does nothing in this regard. Perhaps it is partly the fault of successive Governments, for not having educated India on the real issues. This is understandable because politicians are politicians and will only think of power and of people only to the extent that they serve ambition. Politicians, for example, are fighting shy of setting up institutions that can correct general citizenship anomalies and capable of insulating citizen from themselves. Naturally. To assume that the anti-intellectualism this gives rise to amount to ‘the best we can have’ is to admit that we as a people are lazy, intellectually and otherwise.

Dayan claims that the 13th Amendment ‘is the concrete expression of the Indian concern balanced off with Sri Lanka’s sovereignty’. If this is the case, then the 13th is what Dayan says it is not (”the implementation of the 13th amendment is not the tithe or “protection money” (kappan) paid by the Sri Lankan state to Tamil separatism and/or our Western critics and adversaries” –www.groundviews.com of June 13, 2009). One can call tithe optimum given practicalities but it remains tithe.

He says that sovereignty should not only be asserted, it has to be defended and defensible. This is true. He says ‘If we lose India, we even lose the Non-Aligned Movement [and are] left naked’). That’s Dayan’s view. It is not necessarily true, though. I would hesitate to say that dumping the 13th where it should be dumped (trashcan) amounts to losing India or that losing India amounts to being undressed by the Non-Aligned Movement. I believe instead that a true examination of ‘Tamil grievance’ and meaningful inter-community reconciliation underwritten by democratic process can allow us to lose the 13th and retain India’s friendship, assuming of course that losing India amounts to national suicide.

Dayan’s views on Tamil grievances and aspirations are even less compelling. Yes, every civil group needs political and cultural space, but political and cultural space are obtainable without pinning it down to territory and especially a territory which cannot be justified given history, geography and demography. We know that Eelamist propaganda has tried to disguise interest as fact and this is why many in the international community believe that ‘political space’ has to have a geographical referent.

He argues that grievances not being solved by institutions do not warrant them to be dumped in the trashcan, citing Parliament and Presidency. He is correct. These institutions have other functions. The 13th however addresses interests and not grievances. It is a white elephant, a burden, and is a wasteful way of doing things. Just because no Tamil politician would ‘settle for anything less than the 13th’ it does not mean that we are stuck with the 13th or have to settle for it. No politician wants the 17th Amendment corrected or even implemented as is. Does this mean that we shut up and settle for ‘as is’? No. Tamil politicians have played the communal card. Interests clashed, the Eelam lobby lost. The Eelam lobby was in fact the worst enemy of the Tamil people. If reconciliation and a full flowering of inter-communal harmony is envisaged then we need to return to grievance and resolve these, democratically and based on fact, not fantasy.

Ask any student of politics what the defining feature of nations with devolved structures is and he/she will answer ‘a centralizing tendency’. This is true of the USA and it is true of Canada. The ‘Indian Moment’ of devolution has passed. Sri Lanka is not in devolution mode. We are in development mode. Reconciliation must happen in this context. Constitutional reform should reference the needs of development, of resettlement, rebuilding and recovery. Dayan’s India-fear or India-respect is out of sync with current realities. So too his fascination with the 13th Amendment.

The 13th, in other words, should be viewed in terms of what it does and does not do; whether or not it is in line with current realities and the stated objectives of the Government in terms of improving the overall quality of life of the citizenry. It is by no means an Engelsian ‘necessity’; it is ‘necessity’ only in terms of a mistaken assessment of India’s political wisdom/power and a politician’s self-interest. There is no earthly reason why we should continue to pay for Rajiv Gandhi’s whim. The man’s dead and so is his India.

It is a burden on the overall polity, a postponement of grievance-resolution, an affront to the democratic spirit (in both conception and practice) and all things considered an anachronism that is moreover an incongruent eyesore in terms of the overall institutional structure. All these things rebel against its implementation and agitate for its unceremonious dumping, sooner rather than later.

Tigers in INGO clothing

Now that the Wanni battle is over, Intelligence sleuths are fully engaged in tracking down and arresting Tiger hit-teams who had infiltrated the city, to carry out attacks.

Military and Police Intelligence are not only successfully tracking down the Tiger hit-teams, but are also in the process of uncovering their sinister plans to create mayhem in the country.

Police Intelligence made a major breakthrough last week, when they bared a Tiger plot to assassinate President Mahinda Rajapaksa, which had been hatched with the connivance of two INGO officials and two local politicians.

Explosives uncovered

This Tiger plan was uncovered following the arrest of a Black Tiger who had been posing as a Muslim under the name Muskin. The day following the arrest of Muskin, another LTTE cadre was nabbed with explosives in his possession. Investigations later led to the arrest of a senior LTTE cadre as well. Sleuths attached to the Western Province Intelligence had discovered several bombs and large quantities of explosives from the hideouts of the Tigers. In one instance, they discovered a gas cylinder stuffed with over 40 kilograms of C-4 explosives at the residence of the senior LTTE cadre arrested at Weppankulam, Vavuniya. 50 detonators, a claymore mine, several bombs, hand grenades and wire rolls were among other items recovered from this house. A magazine, some live bullets and a micro-pistol were also recovered from the lodge of the Manager of Save the Children.
Investigations have revealed that the explosives meant for assassinating the President, had been transported to Colombo with the help of the two politicians, who are to be arrested. shortly.

The enemy within

Meanwhile, three drivers, two from two UN Agencies (one located at Kurumankadu, Vavuniya and the other at Puntottam), the third one from ‘Save the Children’, have now been arrested. It transpired during investigations that the Tigers had planned to transport explosives to Colombo from Kilinochchi by vehicles belonging to the UNHCR. Their mode of operation was to pack domestic cylinders with C-4 high explosives after removing the bottom cover and re-fixing it after packing. The vehicles belonging to two INGO officials, one of them an American, the other a Swede had been used to transport these cylinders packed with explosives from Kilinochchi. The two INGO officials have been taken in for questioning. Thanks to the efficient functioning of Western Province Intelligence Division, several previous attempts to assassinate President Rajapaksa and launch bomb attacks in the city by Tigers, could be thwarted. The timely arrest of two Tiger suicide bombers, Vatsala and Vadini, and a Police Inspector who had

aided and abetted them, by the Western Province Intelligence Division, aborted another attempt on the life of the President and his family members.

Meanwhile, State Intelligence is proceeding with investigations into the case, where an Army Colonel bought by the LTTE, had planned to assassinate the President, Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Army Commander Sarath Fonseka.
It had transpired during these investigations that some officers from the Army, Police and the Navy had maintained ties with the LTTE and these officers are to be questioned.

War booty unearthed

Meanwhile, troops carrying out mopping up operations in Wellamullaivaikkal, had unearthed currency notes amounting to Rs. 6.4 million and a large haul of gold jewelry worth millions of rupees, buried inside a Tiger bunker. The authorities believe that the money and gold jewelry were removed from safes and vaults of Tiger banks. The currency notes and jewelry were found packed in polethene bags and school bags and buried about a foot under the bunker. Money and jewelry had been buried on the orders of Karikalan, and the Tiger leaders had appropriated portions from this `treasure trove’, before retreating to safety.
Prabhakaran’s parents have been brought to Colombo pending necessary legal action to be taken against them.
Security authorities have learnt from a Tiger under interrogation, that there had been three more `submarines’ similar to the one the troops discovered near the ship Farah-3 at Wellamullaivaikkal quite recently. The Tiger had revealed that they had put on a trial ride four submarines they had turned out. It was following this information that troops discovered the submarine near the ship. This submarine is believed to be the target identified and hit by a surveillance plane of the Air Force, which later came under the Army’s artillery fire as well, towards the end of the Wanni battle.

Army Chief pays tribute

Army Commander General Fonseka, who paid a visit to Mulativu on June 19, which was, incidentally, the first ever visit paid to this war-torn area by an Army Commander, took time off to inspect this Tiger submarine. General Fonseka, who was at the scene of the last battle, just one month after the historic victory, made it a point to pose for a picture with the heroes of the last battle. Later, he addressed the war heroes.

“There is no army in the world that has put a complete end to a war, after destroying the entire enemy hierarchy. Our army has demonstrated that its prowess and morale are not second to any other in the world. Some thought that I was out of my mind, when I said that I would finish the war in three years. We could successfully conclude this war that raged for 23 years with no end in sight, in a matter of two years and 10 months, after destroying 22,000 Tigers. We prosecuted the war according to a plan. We planned to corner the remaining Tigers in this stretch of land, before destroying them, and we did it. We, at Puthukudiiruppu, Putumatalan and Wellamullaivaikkal, repeated King Dutugemunu’s feats at Vijitapura.

“The entire world has already accepted that the Sri Lanka Army has achieved an amazing victory. We achieved this victory thanks to the valour and bravery demonstrated by our soldiers in a spirit of self-sacrifice. They fought day and night, undaunted by formidable odds. I have come here today, to pay my tribute to our valiant soldiers, for their memorable performance at this place just one month ago. All those soldiers who contributed to the victory will be honoured with medals and promotions,” said General Fonseka.

Promotions and postings

Steps are now being taken to award war medals to all heroes, including the fallen ones. Lieutenants will be promoted to the rank of Captain, Lieutenant Colonels to the rank of Colonel, and Colonels to the rank of Brigadier.

Military Secretary Brigadier Sumith Padumadasa issued a letter on June 22, appointing Colonel Aruna Jayasekara of the Gemunu Regiment, as Director, Operations of the Army. His predecessor, Colonel Aruna Wanniarachchi has been appointed Chief of Staff, Brigadier at the new Division headquarters in Mulativu. Director Planning, Brigadier Mahesh Senanayake has been appointed to act as Director Training, while functioning in his substantive post.

Major General Jagath Dias, who commanded 57 Division that captured Tiger bastions of Tampane, Periyatampane, Periyamadu, Palampiddi, Tunukkai Mallawi and Kilinochchi up to Vishwamadu, has been appointed as Deputy Ambassador to Sri Lanka’s embassy in Berlin. Major General Udaya Perera, who functioned as Director Operations of the Army, had already been appointed as Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner for Malaysia. This was the first time that Army Officers have been appointed to diplomatic positions while in active service. The main task entrusted to these officers is to counter anti-Sri Lanka terrorist forces active or likely to become active in the countries to which they have been posted.

(The Nation)